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Santanfara
3460 Posts |
 Posted - 07 Apr 2011 : 00:50:08
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Africa and the forms of independence
by H. Boima Fahnbulleh, Ph.D
The struggle for power and its underlying rationale in Africa took various forms. There were three variants: the "negotiated" variety which left intact the structures of pre-colonial Africa which were used effectively by colonialism and then handed over to that social sector which had been the most vocal in the assertion of African nationalism--that is to say in the demand for political power. The second variety was the "compromised" brand which entailed the granting of political power to that social sector which had been separated from the more militant nationalists. This variety from the outset was consciously divisive and thus repressive as it had to contend with a segment which also had legitimate claims to political power. The final variety was the Jacobin" brand. This variety was revolutionary and populist and invariably ended in the violent destruction of colonialism and the uprooting of those negative tendencies associated with the pre-history of African civilization.
In the first dispensation, what obtained was a truce, not only between the nationalists and the colonialists, but also between the various social sectors which emerged as representatives of the respective nationalities in the country. The defining parameter was the absolute protection of the interests of the various nationalities as opposed to the collective and inseparable interests of the state. As if to underline the tendency toward separatism, it was argued in certain quarters that the emerging states could not be considered nations, but "mere geographical expressions." (1) Thus what emerged in most instances were contending parochial nationalisms within the ambit of a specific state. The independence thus bequeathed took place against the background of desperate centrifugal forces, with negotiations centered on the type of modus vivendi which allowed for the growth and crystallization of regional or ethnic chauvinism.
A few generalizations will suffice to show some identifiable trends in the various social formations in this category. There is invariably a very weak attachment to the nation-state by the various nationalities, thus leading to instability and very often national sclerosis. Against this background, civil wars have resulted as the logical culmination of ethnic irredentism. Secondly, there is always a pattern of ideological obfuscation giving rise to the tendency to develop by improvisation--most often borrowed from cultures which are dissimilar. Thirdly, there is the marginalization of the people who are then forced into conformity either through mystification or chronic dejection. Finally, one can point to the fetishism of pomp and pageantry which caricatured the symbolism of grandeur in the Roman Empire. Within this matrix, the attempt at nation-building always seem Herculean. As regards this category, it has been argued that "the present-day rulers have inherited only unconsolidated nations; as in early America, so in Africa there remain fissiparous social, economic and psychological forces that must be overcome before we can say that the colonial nations have survived the shocks of independence." (2) The reference to surviving "the shocks of independence" has to do with overcoming the forces of disunity which are both traditional and modern. In the context of the nationalism which was germane to this category, the builders of the nation-state were left immobilised in their cocoons of traditional loyalties and regional prejudices. The state was handed to those who were proponents, not of social transformation which would have addressed the cardinal issue of nation-building within the framework of collective advancement, but to those who only wanted power no matter how truncated and vacuous.
The second variety, that of the "compromised" brand had it most portent aspect in countries where the militant struggle was cut short by duplicity and leaders emerged who were acceptable to the colonialists. The acceptable leaders were those who moderated their demands by prolonging the dialogue for the transfer of power. Those who sought to mobilize the majority of the people for a decisive struggle which would destroy colonial structures and address the issue of popular participation in the process of nation-building were annihilated because the people did not have the time to develop effective organs for popular struggle. Unfortunately, the failure of the militant leaders stymied the progress of the national struggle; for these were the leaders who had gone over and beyond the particularism of the region or the tribe and had embraced the collective movement of the people. Their nationalism was both constructive and destructive. It was constructive in so far as it sought to mobilize the majority of the people and thus break down the inhibitions toward collective transformation. It was destructive of the traditional order as it sought to undermine the old value system of obedience and conformity. In this context, James Coleman has argued persuasively that:
In general, it would seem that where nationalism manifests itself in considerable strength it is evidence that disintegration of the old and social mobilization around the symbols of the new order have occurred on a scale sufficient to weaken or destroy attachments and loyalties of the nationalists to pre-colonial socio-political units, either because they have been crushed and are beyond memory or because they are unattractive or manifestly unsuitable as ‘nations’ in a modern world of nation-states. (3)
In the case of those who wanted to prolong the dialogue and thus delay the transfer of power, history was generous at that point in time as the colonialists settled for an artificial transfer of power and deposited it in the laps of those who were less inclined to use it for the collective good. It was Frantz Fanon who understood better this phenomenon and saw its tragic consequences at the dawn of African independence. He argued that those who inherited power with the consent of the colonialists "came to power in the name of a narrow nationalism and representing a race; they will prove themselves incapable of triumphantly putting into practice a programme with even a minimum humanist content, in spite of fine-sounding declaration which are devoid of meaning since the speakers bandy about in irresponsible fashion phrases that come straight out of European treatises on morals and political philosophy."
http://www.alhajikromahpage.org/alhajievolutionfahn.htm
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Surah- Ar-Rum 30-22
"And among His signs is the creation of heavens and the earth, and the difference of your languages and colours. verily, in that are indeed signs for men of sound knowledge." Qu'ran
www.suntoumana.blogspot.com |
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Janko
Gambia
1267 Posts |
Posted - 09 Apr 2011 : 00:06:42
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Interesting piece, Santanfara
It makes one question the validity or relevance of some of the ideas and or ideologies that led to or inspired independence and the struggle for independence.
The notion of both Pan-Africanism and Negritude has proven inadequate in resolving the question of representation in our “democracy” and "democratic" process since “independence”.
Looking at the political, economical and institutional instabilities sweeping over the independent continent, one cannot help but ask if we are looking at the wrong place for solutions, just like the fellow who lost his ring on the dark side of the street and looking for it on the side of the street where there is light.
Most of the dictators or rulers inspired by Pan-Africanism and Negritude have become the new slave-driver that clinch to power by all means.
Is it the dream of the “African way” that ends up in the reluctance of descending power and instead resulting in the re-enslavement of the colonial subject.
Or, is it the incomprehensiveness and lack of understanding the very instruments of independence/governance.
Or, is it the dilemma of on the one hand wanting to solve a problem and on the other not having knowledge about the very nature of the problem?
As you can see I have more questions than answers.
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Clean your house before pointing a finger ... Never be moved by delirious Well-wishers in their ecstasy |
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turk
USA
3356 Posts |
Posted - 09 Apr 2011 : 00:22:32
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quote:
Or, is it the incomprehensiveness and lack of understanding the very instruments of independence/governance.
Or, is it the dilemma of on the one hand wanting to solve a problem and on the other not having knowledge about the very nature of the problem?
Yeah, for sure.
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diaspora! Too many Chiefs and Very Few Indians.
Halifa Salah: PDOIS is however realistic. It is fully aware that the Gambian voters are yet to reach a level of political consciousness that they rely on to vote on the basis of Principles, policies and programmes and practices. |
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