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Momodou
Denmark
11513 Posts |
 Posted - 19 Jun 2021 : 17:01:16
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GAMBIA-L Digest 73
Topics covered in this issue include:
1) fwd: Uganda's Leader Stands Tall in New African Order
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
2) fwd: Sure, Africa's Troubled. But There Is Good News.
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
3) Etiole de Dakar CDs
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
4) Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
5) [Fwd: Introduction to "Nigeria Watch" (fwd)]
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
6) Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
by David Gilden <dgilden@tiac.net>
7) New member
by "A. Loum" <tloum@u.washington.edu>
8) Re: (Fwd) Re: fwd: African wants bribery charges dropped
by Gunjur@aol.com
9) Brazzaville
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
10) Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
by Gunjur@aol.com
11) Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
by "ebrima drameh" <njogou@hotmail.com>
12) Looking for a Lamin Bojang
by Francis Njie <c3p0@xsite.net>
13) Re: (Fwd) Re: fwd: African wants bribery charges dropped
by Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
14) Gambian Home Affairs Minister Ends Dakar Visit
by mmjeng@image.dk
15) UPDADTE AFRICA
by "Ba-Musa Ceesay" <Ba-Musa.Ceesay@Oslo.Norad.telemax.no>
16) RE: GHANA'S TEST TUBE BABY
by BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
17) UPDATE AFRICA
by "Ba-Musa Ceesay" <Ba-Musa.Ceesay@Oslo.Norad.telemax.no>
18) SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
by "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
19) RE: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
by BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
20) Fwd: AFRICA-DEVELOPMENT: Poverty tighten
by momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
21) Fwd: LABOUR: Non Aligned Movement Oppose
by momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
22) BRAZZAVILLE
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
23) Mr. Sedibeh's Article
by SANG1220@aol.com
24) simplicity not pomposity
by "M'BAI OF" <O.F.M'Bai@icsl.ac.uk>
25) fwd: Op-Ed:The City and the Kingdom
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
26) SV: simplicity not pomposity
by "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
27) Gambia at the Winter Olympic Games ?
by =?iso-8859-1?Q?Asbj=F8rn_Nordam?= <asbjorn.nordam@dif.dk>
28) Re: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
by "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
29) seeking address
by Ylva Hernlund <yher@u.washington.edu>
30) NIGERIA
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
31) RE: MR.NBAYE!
by BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
32) new member
by Ylva Hernlund <yher@u.washington.edu>
33) [Fwd: Africa: Oxfam on G7 Summit (fwd)]
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
34) FWD:Computer & Internet company in The G
by "Jobarteh, Momodou" <Momodou.Jobarteh@hordaland.vegvesen.telemax.no>
35) New members
by momodou.camara@post3.tele.dk (Camara, Momodou)
36) connextions to the Gambia
by =?iso-8859-1?Q?Asbj=F8rn_Nordam?= <asbjorn.nordam@dif.dk>
37) SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
by "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
38) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by binta@iuj.ac.jp
39) Re: FWD:Computer & Internet company in The G
by Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
40) RE: MR.NBAYE!
by "M'BAI OF" <O.F.M'Bai@icsl.ac.uk>
41) FW: Kids Quotes on love
by Ceesay Soffie <Ceesay_Soffie@ems.prc.com>
42) Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et
al..
by Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
43) Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
by "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
44) RE: MR.NBAYE!
by momodou.camara@post3.tele.dk (Camara, Momodou)
45) Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
by "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
46) BRAZZAVILLE
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
47) Re: connextions to the Gambia
by Musa Sowe <chemsm@panther.Gsu.EDU>
48) Re: MR.NBAYE!
by ASJanneh@aol.com
49) Re: MR.NBAYE!
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
50) Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et
al..
by Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
51) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by Gabriel Ndow <gndow@Spelman.EDU>
52) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by Gabriel Ndow <gndow@Spelman.EDU>
53) Coups Necessary In Africa, Says Sithole
by mmjeng@image.dk
54) SV: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
by "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
55) Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
by "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
56) Re: SV: Political conciousness and Education
by binta@iuj.ac.jp
57) Re: Political Consciousness and Education.
by "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
58) Re: SV: Political conciousness and Education
by binta@iuj.ac.jp
59) Senegal to start gold production this year (fwd)
by "A. Loum" <tloum@u.washington.edu>
60) fuulang o lu dang la aning faading ......
by BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
61) Subscribe
by Alias431@aol.com
62) S/Leone & Gambia
by ASJanneh@aol.com
63) AN ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY SUMMIt
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
64) Fwd: DEVELOPMENT: Several Ways Lead To Poverty Reduction
by momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
65) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by KTouray@aol.com
66) New Member Added
by ASJanneh@aol.com
67) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by David Gilden <dgilden@tiac.net>
68) Change of address
by Alias431@aol.com
69) Fwd: Troops Loyal To Coup Attacked In S.Leone
by mmjeng@image.dk
70) RE: Political conciousness and Education
by BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
71) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by mjallow@st6000.sct.edu (Modou Jallow)
72) New Member
by ASJanneh@aol.com
73) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
74) [Fwd: [Fwd: How to keep an ***** busy]]
by Darkstar <darkstar@is.com.na>
75) Re: Political conciousness and Education
by binta@iuj.ac.jp
76) CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE
by Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
77) The Observer e-mail services
by "Mr.Torstein Grotnes" <tgr@commit.gm>
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 05:12:34 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: fwd: Uganda's Leader Stands Tall in New African Order
Message-ID: <33A3B202.96D2D3CD@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
Uganda's Leader Stands Tall in New African Order
By JAMES C. McKINLEY Jr.
KAMPALA, Uganda -- These are heady days for the former guerrilla who
runs
Uganda. He moves with the measured gait and sure gestures of a
leader secure in
his power and in his vision.
It is little wonder. To hear some diplomats and African
experts tell it, President Yoweri
Museveni has started an ideological movement that is reshaping
much of Africa, spelling
the end of the corrupt, strong-man governments that
characterized the Cold War era.
These days, political pundits across the continent are calling
Museveni an African
Bismarck. Some people now refer to him as Africa's "other
statesman," second only to
the venerated South African president, Nelson Mandela.
Not only has Museveni resurrected his own impoverished nation
from two decades of
brutal dictatorship and near economic collapse, but he is also
widely seen as the covert
patron of rebel movements like the one that has just toppled
Mobutu Sese Seko, the
longtime dictator of Zaire.
"It appears Museveni is the regional power broker who has
emerged as a result of all
this," said one diplomat in the region, speaking on the
condition of anonymity. "He
seems to be relishing his role."
In a recent interview Museveni shrugged off this
characterization with a smile. He
denied being the mastermind behind the rebel army of Laurent
Kabila in the former
Zaire, now called Congo. Still, he acknowledged that his ideas
were beginning to have
a profound influence beyond Uganda.
"We were the first to overthrow a dictatorship, a black
dictatorship," he said. "Our
contribution is by way of example."
Museveni's ideology is simple. For too long, he says, African
politicians have
hoodwinked the common people, manipulating tribal sentiments
to stay in power and
steal millions of dollars in foreign aid and taxes. A former
Marxist, he sees the true
struggle on the continent as one between corrupt leaders and
the dirt-poor people they
exploit.
But he also maintains that most African nations are not ready
for a multiparty
democracy on a Western model. Such democracies, he says, need
a thriving economy
and a middle class that can form parties around issues other
than ethnicity.
In Africa, Museveni maintains, political parties invariably
become vehicles for tribal
leaders who want to grab power for their ethnic group.
Bloodshed, racial vendettas and chaos have been the result.
"Multiparty democracy will come, but it will come when the
society has got a social
base for it," he said. "The problem here is you are talking
about a multiparty democracy
in a preindustrial society. The society must be transformed.
We don't have a middle
class."
Critics say Museveni's stance on party politics is just an
excuse to perpetuate another
version of the one-party states he says he opposes. In Uganda,
he has banned political
parties except for his own "revolutionary movement," which he
says includes all major
interest groups.
The engine for societal change, Museveni argues, should be
private enterprise, not
foreign aid.
Though he began his political career as a leftist, he now
believes in harnessing private
businesses to nourish the economy and to create a middle
class. Most of all, Museveni
maintains, African nations must stop blaming colonialism for
their problems and wean
themselves off direct aid from the West.
But perhaps the most revolutionary influence Museveni has
exerted has been his
willingness to interfere in the affairs of his neighbors.
Under an unspoken set of rules,
the strongman African leaders in the last 30 years almost
never meddled in one
another's affairs, no matter how despotic or brutal their
regimes became.
One exception to this rule was the decision by Tanzania's
president, Julius Nyerere, to
invade Uganda in January 1979 to oust Idi Amin, the brutal
Ugandan dictator.
Museveni, now 53, learned on Nyerere's knee. He studied in Dar
es Salaam, Tanzania,
becoming steeped in the older man's socialism.
When Idi Amin seized power in Uganda in a 1971 coup, Museveni
-- the son of a
cattle herder in southwest Uganda -- left his government job
and went into exile in
Tanzania. He became a guerrilla commander, leading an army of
9,000 exiles in the
Tanzania-led offensive to oust Amin.
After serving as a Cabinet member in two transitional
governments, Museveni ran for
president in 1980 at the head of the Uganda Patriotic Movement
party. But Milton
Obote, a former president from the 1960s, was elected again in
what was widely seen
as a fraudulent vote.
Again Museveni retreated to the bush and took up arms, forming
the National
Resistance Movement. In 1986 he defeated the government
forces, marched into
Kampala and named himself president.
Museveni has never lost his faith in using military force for
what he sees as a just cause.
In 1990 he sponsored an invasion by Rwandan Tutsi exiles
living in Uganda, led by
Museveni's former aide, Paul Kagame. The Tutsi army eventually
took power in 1994
after a complicated war.
The victory ended a genocide by Hutu against Tutsi civilians.
It also finished the
government of Juvenal Habyarimana, the longtime Hutu autocrat
in Rwanda.
In Sudan, Museveni for years has aided the Sudan People's
Liberation Army, led by his
old comrade and classmate John Garang, against the Islamic
fundamentalist government
in Khartoum.
But the recent victory of Laurent Kabila's troops over Mobutu
Sese Seko's
government army in Congo marked perhaps the most impressive of
Museveni's moves
in the international arena.
For Museveni, Mobutu was the major obstacle to his dream of an
African common
market. He would like to see a collective of African nations
-- ruled by people with
similar philosophies -- with open trade between them and less
dependence on the
West. The idea goes back to Nyerere, who has said he always
wanted to forge "a
United States of Africa."
If Congo had an effective government, good roads, railroads
and river traffic, the entire
region would boom, including Uganda. But that was impossible
under Mobutu's
notoriously corrupt government, which let the nation's
infrastructure slide back into the
rain forest.
"Talk of the African common market is just a fable as long as
you've got people like
Mobutu," Museveni said.
Today, Museveni, asked about his influence in the region,
demurs saying that he has
only shown the way to other likeminded leaders who have come
to power now in
places like Eritrea, Ethiopia, Zambia, Rwanda and Tanzania.
"We are not regional power brokers," he said. "What is new now
is that you are having
more and more people who are likeminded, of the same thinking,
and once you have
such people, they work together. There is nobody brokering
them."
"The people are waking up," he added. "The people of Africa
are waking up."
Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 05:24:33 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: fwd: Sure, Africa's Troubled. But There Is Good News.
Message-ID: <33A3B4D1.FC0A727F@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
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Sure, Africa's Troubled. But There Is Good News.
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
MONROVIA, Liberia -- Anyone scanning the news out of Africa in the last few
weeks could be forgiven for coming away with the impression that this
continent is ablaze in conflict.
On May 25, a military coup in Freetown, capital of the West African nation of Sierra
Leone, overthrew that country's first democratically elected president and unleashed a
spate of looting of rare intensity, or so it seemed at the time.
Scarcely a week later, Brazzaville, the capital of the Republic of Congo, became the
scene of a sudden outbreak of ferocious fighting between government forces and the
private militia of a former head of state. The pillaging in that central African capital was
just as destructive as Freetown's, and, as in Sierra Leone, Western armies busied
themselves evacuating thousands of their citizens.
The conflicts in the Congo Republic and Sierra Leone come on the heels of a
seven-month civil war in another country named Congo, formerly Zaire, and have
temporarily overshadowed renewed clashes in Angola, which had only recently
appeared to be emerging from two corrosive decades of civil war.
Still, there are 53 countries in Africa, the world's second largest continent, after Asia.
For leaders of the other countries -- most of which remain in peace -- the attention
lavished on Africa's disasters frustratingly obscures the economic growth and political
progress that so many of the other nations are experiencing.
Few parts of the world are regarded by outsiders the way Africa is. Few of the
outsiders take time to distinguish between a vaguely understood collection of states,
and trouble here and there inevitably becomes "African trouble" in the public's mind.
In the last few years, many of these countries have been revising calamitous policies of
the past and have begun to compete mightily for the attention of large outside investors.
The mounting frustration over this tendency toward a sort of continental amalgamation
could be heard last week in a plangent opinion piece published in the French daily, Le
Figaro, by the president of Ivory Coast, Henri Konan Bedie, who points out that his
country is one of many whose economic expansion helped give Africa an average
growth rate of 5 percent in 1996.
"For the image of Africa, the omnipresent media coverage of violence carries risks,"
Bedie writes. "The danger, in effect, is that Congo, like Zaire before it, will appear as a
condensed representation of Africa, and that by optical illusion, the image of one
destabilized sub-region replaces the image of an entire continent, which iscome to be
seen as bloody and burning."
However unfair it may seem to regard African countries as one chaotic, undifferentiated
mass, many Africans themselves say that if their continent is truly to join the global
economy and secure the world's respect, the problems common to many African
countries -- even many of the relatively successful ones -- will have to be squarely
faced.
Two of the most glaring problems run like a thread through almost all of the continent's
recent disasters:
One is the failure of leaders to democratize their countries, which would allow open
political competition and free expression.
The other is the determination of many of those same leaders to treat the national
wealth as their own private patrimony.
Grimly insistent leaders in Congo, Zaire, Sierra Leone, Angola and Liberia have gone
to any length to deny popular suffrage so that they can remain atop a heap where there
are fortunes to be made.
The formula for self-perpetuation is strikingly similar.
It involves the refusal to establish independent electoral bodies and to check vote
rigging. The leadership also indulges a weakness for constitutional amendments that
allow practically unlimited mandates and unchecked power, ethnically drawn armies
and, when all of the above fail, private militias.
Africa's most troubled countries are united in another way as well: They are almost all
fantastically rich in minerals, boasting combinations of alluvial diamonds, gold, tropical
timber and oil. The exploitation of these kinds of products rarely involves much of the
systematic hard work that can bind a nation together and give it a productive ethic.
The situation is more akin to prospecting and poaching by soldiers and mercenaries or
other hired bands than it is to people coming together and building a country.
Where large outside capital is needed, as in the Congo Republic's oil-rich sector, eager
outsiders are ever present. Although Western nations get involved -- France more than
any other -- in backing "allied" governments, the cozy pacts that often result are
between oil companies and local leaders. These corporate alliances build huge private
fortunes but almost never contribute to any real national development.
"The leaders of many African countries have just been raping their countries," said one
European aid official who spoke in the wake of the Brazzaville fighting, "and we have
been helping them do it, participating in it step by step, but pretending that it is none of
our fault. Hopefully, we are waking up to the realization that not only are some of these
countries destroying themselves, but we are killing the goose that lays the golden egg by
playing this game."
In the aftermath of Laurent Kabila's victorious war against the Zairean dictator, Mobutu
Sese Seko -- who drove his country into the ground, ruling with strong Western
backing for nearly 32 years -- many French commentators quickly warned of what they
called a domino effect, whereby guerrilla fighters taking aid or inspiration from Kabila
sweep across the continent, knocking off many of Paris' old-line clients in the process.
But if one accepts the factors shared by the victims of Africa's most recent tragedies,
the aid official said, future upheavals will require little by way of external sparks.
The question remaining is whether the outside world, including the West as well as
other African countries, can work to avert them.
Right next door to the Congo Republic sit Gabon and Cameroon, two fabulously
wealthy countries where leaders have stolen elections and amassed vast wealth while
keeping their people in poverty.
In Africa's biggest country, Nigeria, a military elite lives off $10 billion in annual oil
exports, crushing any serious opposition while facing little real pressure from a
gasoline-thirsty West to usher in democratic change.
Last week was the fourth anniversary of the Nigerian military's annulment of democratic
elections held in 1993, whose presumed winner, Moshood K.O. Abiola, remains in
prison.
In each of these cases, and in other countries where the equation is similar, the situation
silently festers, but when it blows, for the outsiders who have averted their eyes or
ignored the signs, Africa will again be on fire.
Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 06:01:34 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Etiole de Dakar CDs
Message-ID: <33A3BD7E.E3ED7AC3@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
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For those Youssou N'Dour fans out there, you might want to check out
some old Etiole de Dakar LP's that have been released on CD.
These CD's have been out for a few years now so I'm sure some of you
might already have them but I just came across them and I think they are
"must haves" to add to your Mbalax tape, vinyl and CD collection.
The first album I found was "Xalis" with such classics as "Xalis", "Lay
Suma Lay" and "Banana".
I also bought "Volume 1: Absa Gueye" wich contains "Thiely", "Jalo" and
"N'Guiro Na" among other classics from 1979.
Volumes 2 and 3 are also available with classics from 1980 and 1981
respectively and I will be getting them soon.
The "Xalis" CD was released by the "Popular African Music" German based
label and the "Volume..." series by Sterns African Classics who also
distributes all the works.
I got the CD's at HMV here in New York but you can contact Sterns to
find out whether they distribute the CD's to a store near you. Their
addresses and telephone numbers are as follows:
Sterns
116 Whitfield Street, London WIP 5RW, UK
Tel: (071) 387 5550
Fax: (071) 388 2756
Sterns
598 Broadway, New York, NY 10012, USA
Tel: (212) 925 1648
Fax: (212) 925 1689
They also distribute other difficult to find Youssou N'Dour CD releases
like the 1988 "Immigres" which I also bought.
Peace.
Lat
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 06:23:20 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
Message-ID: <33A3C298.A3D15F51@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
I forgot to ask those of you outside the U.S. about a track on Youssou
N'Dour's last senegalese release "Lii". There is a song on that album
called "Anim=E9", a duet with a brazilian artist (I think) called Massimo=
Di Cataldo. Was that track a hit in Europe or elsewhere? Someone told
me it was popular but , as usual, I did not hear of it hear in the U.S.
Peace
Lat
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 06:30:48 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: [Fwd: Introduction to "Nigeria Watch" (fwd)]
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Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 00:46:31 -0400
Reply-To: "AFRICA-N: Africa News & Information Service" <AFRICA-N@listserv.utoronto.ca>
Sender: "AFRICA-N: Africa News & Information Service" <AFRICA-N@listserv.utoronto.ca>
From: Faraz Fareed Rabbani <frabbani@chass.utoronto.ca>
Subject: Introduction to "Nigeria Watch" (fwd)
To: Multiple recipients of list AFRICA-N <AFRICA-N@listserv.utoronto.ca>
> The Marek Enterprise, Inc. of Reston, Virginia, just 20 miles from
> Washington, D.C., is pleased to announce the activation on June 8, 1997 of
> "Nigeria Watch" on the World Wide Web (WWW). This WWW site is devoted
> exclusively to news and analyses about Nigeria. The mission of "Nigeria
> Watch" will be to promote the emancipation and economic development of the
> people of Nigeria. Nigeria is currently ruled by a military dictatorship that
> is inhibiting the economic, social and political development of the people of
> Nigeria and of much of sub-Saharan Africa.
>
> The aim of Nigeria Watch is to accelerate Nigeria's economic, political and
> social advancement through the growth of information networks that enable
> seamless exchanges of information within Nigeria and between Nigeria and the
> global community. Nigeria Watch will help Nigerians transform their society
> into an open one in which information flows rapidly, accurately, and freely.
> As such, Nigeria Watch will enable Nigerians to use the tools of the
> Information Age to rise to the level of economic and intellectual vitality
> that is their rightful destiny.
> Nigeria Watch can be visited at http://www.marekinc.com/Nigeriawatch.html
>
> The Marek Enterprise, Inc., known as MAREK, has been operating a similar
> site, now known as New Congo Net (NCN), formerly known as "Zaire Watch,"
> since August 1996 (NCN is at http://www.marekinc.com/Zairewatch.html). NCN
> has grown over the past year to become a vital hub for information, analysis,
> and exchange of viewpoints with ras evicted from power, tallied to 116,901
> from around the world. NCN has scored over 230,000 visits since it was
> founded in August 1996.
>
> Nigeria Watch hopes to build up an even greater audience and hopes to become
> even more active in the exchange of ideas and solutions for Nigeria's future.
> Nigeria Watch hopes to offer Nigerians and friends of Nigeria around the
> world an open forum for them to influence and shape events in Nigeria.
> Nigeria Watch reports daily news briefs, editorials prepared by staff and by
> interested participants, it posts letters from readers, invites community
> organizations to post their organizations, announce their activities,
> projects, and goals, and invites Nigerians to post their ideas for long-term
> solutions to the nation's problems. Everyone is cordially invited to visit
> and participate.
>
> Ed Marek, Nigeria Watch producer and editor
>
> P.S. With New Congo Net now operating in high gear for nearly a year, and
> once Nigeria Watch gets going, MAREK plans next to tackle Sudan and activate
> a "Sudan Watch." MAREK's vision is that once Congo, Nigeria, and Sudan are
> free and become full members in good-standing of the international community,
> such as has South Africa, then nearly all of sub-Saharan Africa will follow
> suit and many of the long-held problems of the continent will more rapidly
> whither away. MAREK subscribes to the statement made by Thomas Babington
> MacCaulaybe governed - by public opinion and by the sword." We aim to work through
> public opinion against those who so often depend on the sword.
>
>
--------------67438065EFDFD6C66A4E17D6--
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 10:54:19 -0400 (EDT)
From: David Gilden <dgilden@tiac.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
Message-ID: <l03102800afc978a47826@[204.215.135.128]>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
=46YI: I provide a mali order service for West African CDs/Cassettes.
Visit my catalog at my web site. http://www.drive.net/kora.htm
Look for "Music by Mail Offerings" link. I can special order from
Sterns or who ever might carry the music you are searching for.
As I write this I am listening to a wonderful collection music
from Mali, --Musiques du Mali Banzoumana- this is a 2 cd set,
put out by M=E9lodie (France).
Please Write to me for info,
Peace
Dowda
*Cora Connection Your West African, Manding Music Source*
http://www.drive.net/kora.htm=20
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 08:57:27 -0700 (PDT)
From: "A. Loum" <tloum@u.washington.edu>
To: Gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: New member
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.3.95.970615085522.8329C-100000@saul7.u.washington.edu>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Emmanuel Ndow commonly known as Sang Ndow as been added to the list. We
welcome him and will look forward to his introduction and contributions.
Thanks
Tony
========================================================================
Anthony W Loum tloum@u.washington.edu
Supervisor, Business Administration Library 206-543-4360 voice
100 Balmer Hall 206-685-9392 fax
University of Washington
Box 353200
Seattle, Wa.98195-3200
=========================================================================
]
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 12:53:12 -0400 (EDT)
From: Gunjur@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: (Fwd) Re: fwd: African wants bribery charges dropped
Message-ID: <970615125311_1444185478@emout15.mail.aol.com>
Abdou,
l think that we all find it refreshing that we have a gov't at last that will
stand up to protect us. l believe we all appreciate that. What dissappoints
me is that so many of you fail to see what a blunder the gov't has made of
this Sissoho issue. THEY SHOULD NOT HAVE COME OUT AND SAID THAT A GUY WHO
BRIBED ANOTHER COUNTRY'S OFFICIALS RATHER THAN CONDUCTING BUSSINESS VIA THE
PROPER CHANNELS WAS REPRESENTING THEM. l beleive they did not want to just
stand by and do nothing on his behalf, which is honourable, but they should
have chosen another method of letting him know that they have not abandoned
him. Saying he was on a mission on their behalf shows a lack of diplomatic
savvy to say the least. We do not want to be recognized by the international
community as a government that goes around conducting our affairs in an
under-handed manner. This is really the crux of the matter as far as l am
concerned. l find satisfaction in some of the things our present government
does, e.g. the affair of those sisters in Kuwait, chartering a ship to
evacuate our citizens in Sierra Leone. All these are things that we never
witnessed with the Jawara regime. However, we must look at everything vey
soberly and render constructive criticism. Our government must operate with
tack , especially on matters with international exposure, and this has
nothing to do with pleasing anyone so that we can get aid from them.It has to
do with national credidibility in the eyes of the World.We must not abandon
those we feel a need to protect, but we must do it with tack. IT WAS A BIG
MISTAKE FOR THE GAMBIA GOV'T TO SAY THAT A GUY ON TRIAL FOR BRIBERY WAS ON
OFFICIAL BUSSINESS FOR THE GAMBIA.
JABOU.
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 19:09:39 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Brazzaville
Message-ID: <33A42FDE.660F@login.eunet.no>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
DATE=6/15/97
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-215733
TITLE=BRAZZAVILLE/SUN. (S-O)
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN
DATELINE=KINSHASA
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: RENEWED VIOLENCE IN BRAZZAVILLE, THE REPUBLIC OF CONGO,
HAS RAISED QUESTIONS ABOUT THE FATE OF PEACE TALKS SCHEDULED TO
BEGIN MONDAY IN GABON. VOA'S JOHN PITMAN REPORTS FROM KINSHASA.
TEXT: REPORTERS AT THE BRAZZAVILLE AIRPORT SAY FIGHTING HAS
SLOWLY INTENSIFIED OVER THE LAST FEW HOURS.
FRENCH TROOPS AT THE AIRPORT ARE SCHEDULED TO BEGIN WITHDRAWING
TODAY, BUT THE RETREAT WILL TAKE SEVERAL DAYS. SOLDIERS ARE
REPORTEDLY FORTIFYING THEIR POSITIONS, IN ANTICIPATION OF A RUSH
BY THE TWO WARRING SIDES TO TAKE THE AIRPORT AS THE FRENCH PULL
OUT.
THERE ARE UNCONFIRMED REPORTS THAT THE "COBRA" MILITIA LOYAL TO
FORMER PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU NGUESSO MAY HAVE TAKEN THE UPPER
HAND IN THIS CONFLICT. A FRENCH SPOKESMAN AT THE AIRPORT SAYS HE
BELIEVES THE "COBRAS" ARE ADVANCING ON THE AIRPORT, AND
REINFORCING THEIR TROOPS.
MEANWHILE, TALKS BETWEEN ENVOYS REPRESENTING PRESIDENT PASCAL
LISSOUBA AND MR. SASSOU NGUESSO, ARE STILL EXPECTED TO BEGIN
MONDAY IN LIBREVILLE, THE CAPITAL OF GABON. HOWEVER, WITHOUT A
CEASEFIRE ON THE GROUND, IT IS UNCLEAR HOW MUCH PROGRESS THE
NEGOTIATORS WILL BE ABLE TO MAKE. (SIGNED)
NEB/JP/WJK
15-Jun-97 4:48 AM EDT (0848 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 13:26:48 -0400 (EDT)
From: Gunjur@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
Message-ID: <970615132645_-127081312@emout13.mail.aol.com>
In a message dated 6/15/97 9:55:49 AM, you wrote:
<<kora>>
l am interested in Etiole, Youssou Ndure and Malian releases. can you send
hard copy of a catalog. Let me know and l will give you my address.By the
way, who are you?
Jabou.
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 11:24:12 PDT
From: "ebrima drameh" <njogou@hotmail.com>
To: latir@earthlink.net
Cc: GAMBIA-L@U.WASHINGTON.EDU
Subject: Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
Message-ID: <199706151824.LAA08035@f40.hotmail.com>
Content-Type: text/plain
>From gambia-l-owner@u.washington.edu Sun Jun 15 03:22:30 1997
>Received: from host (lists.u.washington.edu [140.142.56.13])
> by lists3.u.washington.edu (8.8.4+UW97.04/8.8.4+UW97.05) with
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> id DAA18475; Sun, 15 Jun 1997 03:20:09 -0700
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>Message-Id: <33A3C298.A3D15F51@earthlink.net>
>Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 06:23:20 -0400
>Reply-To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
>Sender: GAMBIA-L-owner@u.washington.edu
>Precedence: bulk
>From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
>To: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
>Subject: Re: Etiole de Dakar CDs
>References: <33A3BD7E.E3ED7AC3@earthlink.net>
>MIME-Version: 1.0
>Content-Type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
>Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
>X-Mailer: Mozilla 4.0 [en] (Win95; I)
>X-Priority: 3 (Normal)
>X-Listprocessor-Version: 8.1 beta -- ListProcessor(tm) by CREN
>
>I forgot to ask those of you outside the U.S. about a track on Youssou
>N'Dour's last senegalese release "Lii". There is a song on that album
>called "Anim=E9", a duet with a brazilian artist (I think) called
Massimo=
>
>Di Cataldo. Was that track a hit in Europe or elsewhere? Someone told
>me it was popular but , as usual, I did not hear of it hear in the U.S.
>
>Peace
>
>Lat
I THINK I AM THE GREATEST YOUSSOU NDOUR FAN.WHEN I WAS IN THE GAMBIA I
REGULARLY TRAVELLED TO DAKAR JUST TO ATTEND AN EVENING AT HIS NIGHT CLUB
"THIOSSANE".
YEAH!I ALSO THOUGHT THAT THE DUET WAS GOING TO BE A HIT IN THE
CHARTS,BUT UNFORTUNATELY IT DIDN'T HAPPEN.I HAVE GOT THE C.D. YOU ARE
REFERING TO,IT IS REALLY GOOD.THERE IS A YOUSSOU NDOUR HOME PAGE,QUITE
DETAILED.
MEANWHILE I HAVE FINISHED MY EXAMS,IT WENT ON VERY FINE.I AM WAITING FOR
MY TRAVELLING AGENCY TO BOOK ME ON THE NEXT AVAILABLE FLIGHT TO
BANJUL,IT IS MOST LIKELY ON FRIDAY.
EBRIMA.
---------------------------------------------------------
Get Your *Web-Based* Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com
---------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 1997 22:17:09 -0500
From: Francis Njie <c3p0@xsite.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Looking for a Lamin Bojang
Message-ID: <3.0.1.32.19970615221709.0068a568@xsite.net>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
I'm looking for a Lamin Bojang who completed a teacher-training course in
Sierra Leone. He is supposed to be in either politics or commerce in the
Gambia. Unfortunately, I don't have any more information about him. If you
happen to even know of him, I'd really appreciate your sending along the
details to c3p0@xsite.net ...
Many thanks...
- Francis
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 09:51:52 +0100
From: Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: (Fwd) Re: fwd: African wants bribery charges dropped
Message-ID: <2.2.32.19970616085152.006e85b4@golf.uib.no>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
At 12:53 15/06/97 -0400, JABOU wrote:
" Abdou,
.... What dissappoints me is that so many of you fail to see what a blunder
the gov't has made of this Sissoho issue.THEY SHOULD NOT HAVE COME OUT AND
SAID THAT A GUY WHOBRIBED ANOTHER COUNTRY'S OFFICIALS RATHER THAN CONDUCTING
BUSSINESS VIA THEPROPER CHANNELS WAS REPRESENTING THEM. l beleive they did
not want to just
stand by and do nothing on his behalf, which is honourable, but they should
have chosen another method of letting him know that they have not abandoned
him..."
JABOU, DO YOU HAVE A SUGGESTION OF WHAT OTHER METHOD "THEY SHOULD HAVE CHOSEN"??
AM REALLY EAGER TO KNOW BECAUSE THE ONLY METHOD I COULD THINK OF WOULD BE
HYPOCRITICAL - WHICH, IN MY OPINION, IS MORE IMMORAL THAN WHAT YOU ARE
SUGGESTING.
"... Saying he was on a mission on their behalf shows a lack of diplomatic
savvy to say the least. We do not want to be recognized by the international
community as a government that goes around conducting our affairs in an
under-handed manner..."
HERE WE GO AGAIN, WOULD WE RATHER BE RECOGNIZED AS A COWARD OR WEAK
GOVERNMENT WHICH DON'T HAVE THE GUTS TO STAND FOR WHAT WE BELIEF IS OUR
RIGHT BY DOING THINGS UNDER THE TABLE??? BESIDES, TELL ME OF ANY GOVERNMENT
THAT COULD CLAIM OF CONDUCTING ALL IT'S AFFAIRS IN A VERY "PURE AND CLEAN"
MANNER. THE ONLY "PURITY" ANY GOVERNMENT COULD CLAIM UNDER SUCH
CIRCUMSTANCES IS, "THE INTEREST OF IT'S PEOPLE". GAMBIA, AS FAR AS I KNOW,
IS PLAYING IT'S CARDS AS OTHERS MIGHT DO. WHEN IT COMES TO "DECENCY" IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, THERE IS NO NATION WHOSE RECORD CAN BEAT THAT OF
GAMBIA SINCE "INDEPENDENCE". WE HAVE NEVER CAUSED TROUBLE TO ANY OTHER
NATION SINCE OUR NATIONHOOD. SO, WE SHOULD BE GUIDED BY OUR GOOD CONSCIENCE
AND GIVE A DAMN (EXCUSE ME) ABOUT WHAT OTHERS MIGHT SAY AS LONG AS WE ARE ON
OUR RIGHTFUL COURSE. I BELIEF THE GOVERNMENT, DURING THE TWO YEARS OF
SANCTION, HAS DEMONSTRATED TO US THAT, AS SMALL A NATION AS WE ARE, IF WE
BELIEF IN OURSELVES, A LOT COULD BE ACHIEVED AND SUSTAINED ON OUR OWN. MOST
OF US ARE OPTIMISTIC THAT, THIS IS THE BEGINNING OF AN END TO AFRICA'S HEAVY
DEPENDENCE ON THE "INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY" - WHAT OR WHOEVER THAT CONCEPT
MAY MEAN. IT IS INDICATIVE THOUGH, THAT WE ARE STILL SUFFERING FROM THE
HANG-OVER.
REGARDS,
::)))Abdou Oujimai
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 11:14:39 +2000
From: mmjeng@image.dk
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Gambian Home Affairs Minister Ends Dakar Visit
Message-ID: <199706160908.LAA16007@ns.image.dk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-transfer-encoding: Quoted-printable
Gambian Home Affairs Minister Ends Dakar Visit
June 15, 1997
DAKAR, Senegal (PANA) - Gambian minister of home and religious affairs
Mamadou Bojang, left Dakar on Sunday, after a 48-hour working visit to
Senegal.
During his stay here, Bojang and his Senegalese counterpart,
Abdourahmane Sow, held a long working session to thrash out a number
of bilateral issues.
In a final communique issued on Saturday, the two ministers agreed to
set up a formal framework for exchanging views on common social
problems, including, drug trafficking, the circulation of weapons,
people and goods.
The two ministers agreed to submit to the next ministerial meeting
draft frameworks to guide the reciprocal stay and settlement of their
citizens in their respective territories and activities along their
common border.
They also pledged to organise periodical meetings between border
administrators and security services and establish a system of
information sharing, so as to enhance the existing cordial relations
between Gambian and Senegalese nationals.
Greetings
Matarr M. Jeng.
Copyright =A9 1997 Panafrican News Agency. All Rights Reserved.
------------------------------
Date: 16 Jun 1997 12:26:21 +0200
From: "Ba-Musa Ceesay" <Ba-Musa.Ceesay@Oslo.Norad.telemax.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu (Receipt notification requested)
Subject: UPDADTE AFRICA
Message-ID: <post.ut33a51546*/c=NO/admd=Telemax/prmd=Norad/o=Oslo/s=Ceesay/g=Ba-Musa/@MHS>
Content-Identifier: post.ut33a51546
Content-Return: Prohibited
MIME-Version: 1.0
**************************AFRICA
UPDATE**********************************
1. Zimbabwe: Soldier Claims He Was Raped Three Times By ex-President
***************************NEWS and
BACKGROUND*****************************
1. Soldier Claims He Was Raped Three Times By ex-President
The Insider (Zimbabwe), May 19, 1997
By Charles Rukuni
Harare - Jefta Dube was a young promising soccer star when he was spotted
by
the then President of Zimbabwe Canaan Banana in November 1983.
He was playing for police club Black Mambas and was a patrol officer (now
sergeant). Banana sent his driver to talk to him. Not only was Dube
offered
a place in Banana s team, State House Tornadoes, but he was also promoted
two notches up to inspector skipping the rank of section officer (now
assistant inspector).
This was like manna from heaven for the 23-year old police officer, one of
five illegitimate children who had started off as a gardener and had only
joined the police force a year before also because of his soccer talent.
But
it was also the beginning of an ordeal that was to culminate in Dube
shooting a fellow police officer to death.
Banana was not only interested in Dube s soccer prowess but wanted him for
a
wife . According to Dube, Banana raped him for three years and his appeals
to his superiors including the then Police Commissioner Wiridzayi Nguruve
and vice-President Simon Muzenda received a deaf ear. Everyone claimed
they
could not do anything against the Head of State.
Dube is now in jail serving 10 years for shooting Constable Patrick
Mashiri
in 1995 after he had allegedly called him Banana s wife . He never became
a
soccer star, instead he was reduced to a junk and is so dependent on drugs
that while on remand in prison he managed to purchase a drug colloquially
known as malgatrax meant for mental patients just to keep himself high.
Because of the rapes and molestation which started within a week of his
moving to State House he has nightmares all the time. He cannot even have
sex with either his wife or girlfriend. But Dube was not alone.
According to police several current and former students at the University
of
Zimbabwe, members of the defunct State House Tornadoes and members of the
security forces have come forward in the past two months claiming that
they
were sexually molested by Banana.
Police are quoted as saying that the response was so overwhelming that
they
were now afraid that some of the allegations could be coming from
opportunists sensing a quick buck and have so far isolated eight
complainants for further inquiry.
Dube is suing Banana for $1.3 million. His wife is also understood to be
planning to sue Banana for $500 000 for the pain and anguish she too has
been caused since her marriage in 1986.
But those coming forward today may perhaps be the lucky few. According to
evidence given during Dube s trial, authorities and senior officials
within
the ruling party were aware of Banana s homosexual tendencies at
independence but he was allowed to abuse officers meant to protect him
with
impunity.
Some of those who were abused, may have given up after their efforts to
expose Banana were frustrated. It appears, Banana continued to have this
impunity, which he allegedly bragged about to his victims, after he left
office because it appears there were several attempts to expose him but
all
to no avail.
One soldier who claimed to have been raped three times in one night soon
after an end-of-year party for government ministers wrote to President
Mugabe three months after he assumed office hoping that his plight would
be
listened to but, it looks, he was ignored.
The Insider has not been able to ascertain the authenticity of the letter
or
whether it reached President Mugabe, but the soldier, who will only be
referred to as CD, genuinely believed he would get redress as he firmly
believed that his problem could be solved by members of the ZANU- PF
central
committee. His letter which was obtained from a law firm which the soldier
had approached for assistance was full of hope.
The Insider has also so far not been able to ascertain whether CD is still
in the army or not.
Looking at his evidence and the one Dube gave during his trial the
similarity of the evidence and the pattern of the alleged rapes is so
similar one might think the two rehearsed their evidence, yet The Insider
obtained the letter nearly 10 years ago while Dube only gave his evidence
a
few months ago.
CD wrote to President Mugabe on March 2, 1988 detailing how he had
allegedly
been abused by Banana and how his pleas to the authorities had been
brushed
aside.
CD who admitted he was not educated but decided to write to President
Mugabe
in his broken English was from 1 Presidential Guard Battalion. He claimed
he
was raped at least three times on the night of December 20, 1985 after a
Christmas party for government ministers.
CD claims that on the day in question he had actually been sent on duty
while on protest as he was sick. Banana allegedly raped him, while he was
in
full uniform and later paid him $10. The serial number of the $10 note was
CA1184754 K. He was also given a 1986 calendar of Tornadoes Football Club
which had the logo: Batanai Mukunde. (Unite to Conquer).
Like Dube, whose evidence was accepted by Judge David Bartlett and was not
challenged by the State, Banana initially invited CD to the main house to
do
some small chores.
He then started asking him several questions, about where he came from,
his
weight, what kind of music he liked and whether he could dance. Banana
then
allegedly made sexually advances to him. CD claims that when he tried to
leave, Banana allegedly told: " I am the law". If he left he would be
fired.
Banana allegedly told him he would go the same way as former police
commissioner, Wiridzayi Nguruve, and pointed at the day's newspaper.
The Insider has since confirmed that The Herald of December 20, 1985,
indeed
had a lead story on the dismissal of Wiridzayi Nguruve.
The story read: "Suspended commissioner Wiridzayi Nguruve has been sacked
along with two deputy commissioners, Mr Nesbert Madziwa and Mr Govati
Mhora.
Deputy commissioner Henry Mukurazhizha who has been acting commissioner
since Mr Nguruve's suspension in February has been promoted to
commissioner,
the Prime Minister Cde Mugabe announced at a news conference yesterday.
The
dismissals took effect on Wednesday, the day President Banana assented to
the advice of the Prime Minister........"
Also on the front page were pictures of President Mugabe and his press
secretary Lindiwe Sadza, Nguruve, Mhora, Madziwa and Mukurazhizha. At the
bottom of the page was a picture of Banana shaking hands with Irish
ambassador to Zimbabwe Mary Tanney after she had presented her
credentials.
The Insider also confirmed that Banana indeed hosted a Christmas party for
government ministers on December 20, 1985, which was a Friday. Although
there was no story in The Herald of December 21, there was a picture of
Banana flanked by Mrs Madelene Makonese and his wife Janet on one side and
by Mrs Media Makurani and Mrs Pauline Mswaka on the other.
The caption read: "Hundreds of people turned up for President Banana's
annual Christmas party at State House yesterday. Among them were cabinet
ministers, diplomats and other dignitaries..."
CD claims that he was tripped and raped with his camouflage uniform on. He
claims Banana was so happy after releasing himself that he seemed to be
enjoying it all.
After raping him for the second time, CD claims Banana even asked him: How
do you like it? and what a night it had been. When he called him for the
third time, CD claims, Banana told him: Let's do it for the last time.
During his trial Dube said in December 1983, in his first week in his new
job as an aide to the President, Banana asked him to dance and put on
ballroom music. He said although he had told Banana that he could not
dance,
the former President offered to teach him a few steps and as they danced
he
noticed that his penis was erect.
Banana then kissed him and inserted his tongue in his mouth. He excused
himself and as he left, he patted Dube's bottom and said: This is the food
of the elders.
He said that in June 1984 Banana invited him for a drink and although he
asked for a Fanta he believes Banana spiked his drink. He passed out and
when he came to he did not have his trousers on.
There was semen between his buttocks and Banana was standing over him,
dressed in a Mao jacket, grinning. He told Dube: "We have helped
ourselves."
Dube also said when he tried to expose the molestation, Banana told him
there was nothing he could do. "I am the highest court of appeal," he
allegedly bragged.
CD says in his letter although he had been aware that Banana was a
homosexual he had never believed this would happen to him. He reported the
alleged rape to a Cde Shirihuru on December 23.
CD says Shirihuru was the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and he reported
to
him because the minister Enos Nkala was not around.
Although simple calculation seems to imply that CD reported the alleged
rape
three days later, the reality is that he reported it on the first working
day. December 20 was a Friday and December 23 a Monday.
CD says three other people including one from intelligence were also told
about the case. Cde Startered who appeared to be from intelligence
allegedly
promised CD that he would get to the bottom of the problem as this could
not
be tolerated.
But like Dube, the only solution to CD s problem was to transfer him. He
was
given a scholarship to go back to school. Dube was transferred to Gweru
after his three-year ordeal.
The Insider has established that although Enos Nkala was indeed the
Minister
of Home Affairs at the time he did not have a deputy. In 1985, there were
11
deputy ministers but these were for local government, education, trade,
finance, labour, public construction, youth, transport, lands, information
and health.
The only Shirihuru who was a high ranking official is the late Edson
Shirihuru who was in intelligence.
As CD stated, it appears it was common knowledge soon after he assumed
office that Banana was a homosexual and that he was abusing officers who
guarded him.
John Chademana, a former assistant police commissioner, who referred Dube
first to the police commissioner and later to vice-President Simon Muzenda
said he was not surprised when Dube told him about the alleged sexual
abuse
because police had received intelligence reports about Banana s behaviour
since 1981. Even Vice President Muzenda was allegedly also not surprised.
According to the Mail and Guardian, when Dube and his colleagues
introduced
themselves to dignitaries at a State banquet, the former Defence Minister
Ernest Kadungure was quoted as saying: These people work for this man who
abuses other men . The then army commander, Solomon Mujuru is quoted as
having remarked: I have already withdrawn my men from State House.
According to sources, there is a feeling among some of the top ZANU- PF
officials that those who were allegedly abused by Banana wanted it. They
claim that those who did not beat Banana up and were never reprimanded.
But
as CD wrote, Banana told his victims he was the law. According to Dube, he
was the Highest Court of Appeal .
Banana seemed to be praying on the most vulnerable. But his world , it
appears, is now crumbling. Although he is on a state pension and is not
allowed to seek a job unless he forfeits his pension, Banana is reported
to
have applied to the University of Zimbabwe for a full-time job as a
professor, but was turned down.
He is already a professor in theology but is not on salary. Sources say he
was told his application could not be considered until his case was over.
According to the Presidential Pension and Retirement Benefits Act, Banana
is
entitled to a government office, a private secretary, a Mercedes Benz car,
a
domestic worker, a cook, a gardener,two drivers and two colour television
sets all provided and paid for by the State.
The act also states that the annual pension of a former President of
Zimbabwe who has completed at least one term of office shall be equal to
the
annual salary payable to him as President on the day he vacated office.
Banana's salary was $77 100 when he retired. This was a handsome amount at
that time, but peanuts today unless it has been adjusted. Even Members of
Parliament are being paid much more than that. President Mugabe is now
paid
more than three times that. Lecturers at the university earn at least
double
that.
With President Mugabe's stance on gays, most people must have been
outraged
at Banana's behaviour which even gays have condemned as he was allegedly
raping his victims.
But since it is now common knowledge that almost everyone in the
leadership
new about this at independence and they did not prosecute him despite
several approaches by his victims, the question is:What is going to
motivate
them to prosecute him now?
Banana may have his faults but he has also contributed significantly to
both
the country and the continent. By accepting to become President after the
then ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo had declined, he brought about unity and
continued to play a key role in bringing about the unity that now prevails
in the country. ZANU and ZAPU only united in 1987 when Banana retired as
President.
He has also played a crucial role in the development of soccer, although
some might argue that the most popular game in the country was also his
hunting ground. He has played a key peacekeeping role in Liberia. He has
also contributed in the development of literature through his various
books.
And talking about books, one question that has never been asked is: What
happened to his grand idea to rewrite the Bible? Could it have been a way
of
trying to come to terms with his condition since most of those who are
against gays tend to use the holy book?
*************************************ENDS*********************************
***
The Norwegian Council for Africa (Fellesr}det for Afrika)
is a non-profit making NGO.
Regards
Ba-Musa Ceesay
NORAD
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 13:47:57 +-300
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
To: "'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: RE: GHANA'S TEST TUBE BABY
Message-ID: <01BC7A5B.EF67C860@dibl.qatar.net.qa>
----------
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH[SMTP:kolls567@qatar.net.qa]
Sent: 09/OYN/1418 08:57 a
To: 'GAMBIA-L@U.WASHINGTON.EDU'
Subject: RE: GHANA'S TEST TUBE BABY
<<OLE Object: Picture (Metafile)>>
------------------------------
Date: 16 Jun 1997 12:43:40 +0200
From: "Ba-Musa Ceesay" <Ba-Musa.Ceesay@Oslo.Norad.telemax.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu (Receipt notification requested)
Subject: UPDATE AFRICA
Message-ID: <post.ut33a5196f*/c=NO/admd=Telemax/prmd=Norad/o=Oslo/s=Ceesay/g=Ba-Musa/@MHS>
Content-Identifier: post.ut33a5196f
Content-Return: Prohibited
MIME-Version: 1.0
-----------------------------------------------------------
****************************AFRICA
UPDATE**********************************
1. Zimbabwe: Soldier Claims He Was Raped Three Times By ex-President
***************************NEWS and
BACKGROUND*****************************
1. Soldier Claims He Was Raped Three Times By ex-President
The Insider (Zimbabwe), May 19, 1997
By Charles Rukuni
Harare - Jefta Dube was a young promising soccer star when he was spotted
by
the then President of Zimbabwe Canaan Banana in November 1983.
He was playing for police club Black Mambas and was a patrol officer (now
sergeant). Banana sent his driver to talk to him. Not only was Dube
offered
a place in Banana s team, State House Tornadoes, but he was also promoted
two notches up to inspector skipping the rank of section officer (now
assistant inspector).
This was like manna from heaven for the 23-year old police officer, one of
five illegitimate children who had started off as a gardener and had only
joined the police force a year before also because of his soccer talent.
But
it was also the beginning of an ordeal that was to culminate in Dube
shooting a fellow police officer to death.
Banana was not only interested in Dube s soccer prowess but wanted him for
a
wife . According to Dube, Banana raped him for three years and his appeals
to his superiors including the then Police Commissioner Wiridzayi Nguruve
and vice-President Simon Muzenda received a deaf ear. Everyone claimed
they
could not do anything against the Head of State.
Dube is now in jail serving 10 years for shooting Constable Patrick
Mashiri
in 1995 after he had allegedly called him Banana s wife . He never became
a
soccer star, instead he was reduced to a junk and is so dependent on drugs
that while on remand in prison he managed to purchase a drug colloquially
known as malgatrax meant for mental patients just to keep himself high.
Because of the rapes and molestation which started within a week of his
moving to State House he has nightmares all the time. He cannot even have
sex with either his wife or girlfriend. But Dube was not alone.
According to police several current and former students at the University
of
Zimbabwe, members of the defunct State House Tornadoes and members of the
security forces have come forward in the past two months claiming that
they
were sexually molested by Banana.
Police are quoted as saying that the response was so overwhelming that
they
were now afraid that some of the allegations could be coming from
opportunists sensing a quick buck and have so far isolated eight
complainants for further inquiry.
Dube is suing Banana for $1.3 million. His wife is also understood to be
planning to sue Banana for $500 000 for the pain and anguish she too has
been caused since her marriage in 1986.
But those coming forward today may perhaps be the lucky few. According to
evidence given during Dube s trial, authorities and senior officials
within
the ruling party were aware of Banana s homosexual tendencies at
independence but he was allowed to abuse officers meant to protect him
with
impunity.
Some of those who were abused, may have given up after their efforts to
expose Banana were frustrated. It appears, Banana continued to have this
impunity, which he allegedly bragged about to his victims, after he left
office because it appears there were several attempts to expose him but
all
to no avail.
One soldier who claimed to have been raped three times in one night soon
after an end-of-year party for government ministers wrote to President
Mugabe three months after he assumed office hoping that his plight would
be
listened to but, it looks, he was ignored.
The Insider has not been able to ascertain the authenticity of the letter
or
whether it reached President Mugabe, but the soldier, who will only be
referred to as CD, genuinely believed he would get redress as he firmly
believed that his problem could be solved by members of the ZANU- PF
central
committee. His letter which was obtained from a law firm which the soldier
had approached for assistance was full of hope.
The Insider has also so far not been able to ascertain whether CD is still
in the army or not.
Looking at his evidence and the one Dube gave during his trial the
similarity of the evidence and the pattern of the alleged rapes is so
similar one might think the two rehearsed their evidence, yet The Insider
obtained the letter nearly 10 years ago while Dube only gave his evidence
a
few months ago.
CD wrote to President Mugabe on March 2, 1988 detailing how he had
allegedly
been abused by Banana and how his pleas to the authorities had been
brushed
aside.
CD who admitted he was not educated but decided to write to President
Mugabe
in his broken English was from 1 Presidential Guard Battalion. He claimed
he
was raped at least three times on the night of December 20, 1985 after a
Christmas party for government ministers.
CD claims that on the day in question he had actually been sent on duty
while on protest as he was sick. Banana allegedly raped him, while he was
in
full uniform and later paid him $10. The serial number of the $10 note was
CA1184754 K. He was also given a 1986 calendar of Tornadoes Football Club
which had the logo: Batanai Mukunde. (Unite to Conquer).
Like Dube, whose evidence was accepted by Judge David Bartlett and was not
challenged by the State, Banana initially invited CD to the main house to
do
some small chores.
He then started asking him several questions, about where he came from,
his
weight, what kind of music he liked and whether he could dance. Banana
then
allegedly made sexually advances to him. CD claims that when he tried to
leave, Banana allegedly told: " I am the law". If he left he would be
fired.
Banana allegedly told him he would go the same way as former police
commissioner, Wiridzayi Nguruve, and pointed at the day's newspaper.
The Insider has since confirmed that The Herald of December 20, 1985,
indeed
had a lead story on the dismissal of Wiridzayi Nguruve.
The story read: "Suspended commissioner Wiridzayi Nguruve has been sacked
along with two deputy commissioners, Mr Nesbert Madziwa and Mr Govati
Mhora.
Deputy commissioner Henry Mukurazhizha who has been acting commissioner
since Mr Nguruve's suspension in February has been promoted to
commissioner,
the Prime Minister Cde Mugabe announced at a news conference yesterday.
The
dismissals took effect on Wednesday, the day President Banana assented to
the advice of the Prime Minister........"
Also on the front page were pictures of President Mugabe and his press
secretary Lindiwe Sadza, Nguruve, Mhora, Madziwa and Mukurazhizha. At the
bottom of the page was a picture of Banana shaking hands with Irish
ambassador to Zimbabwe Mary Tanney after she had presented her
credentials.
The Insider also confirmed that Banana indeed hosted a Christmas party for
government ministers on December 20, 1985, which was a Friday. Although
there was no story in The Herald of December 21, there was a picture of
Banana flanked by Mrs Madelene Makonese and his wife Janet on one side and
by Mrs Media Makurani and Mrs Pauline Mswaka on the other.
The caption read: "Hundreds of people turned up for President Banana's
annual Christmas party at State House yesterday. Among them were cabinet
ministers, diplomats and other dignitaries..."
CD claims that he was tripped and raped with his camouflage uniform on. He
claims Banana was so happy after releasing himself that he seemed to be
enjoying it all.
After raping him for the second time, CD claims Banana even asked him: How
do you like it? and what a night it had been. When he called him for the
third time, CD claims, Banana told him: Let's do it for the last time.
During his trial Dube said in December 1983, in his first week in his new
job as an aide to the President, Banana asked him to dance and put on
ballroom music. He said although he had told Banana that he could not
dance,
the former President offered to teach him a few steps and as they danced
he
noticed that his penis was erect.
Banana then kissed him and inserted his tongue in his mouth. He excused
himself and as he left, he patted Dube's bottom and said: This is the food
of the elders.
He said that in June 1984 Banana invited him for a drink and although he
asked for a Fanta he believes Banana spiked his drink. He passed out and
when he came to he did not have his trousers on.
There was semen between his buttocks and Banana was standing over him,
dressed in a Mao jacket, grinning. He told Dube: "We have helped
ourselves."
Dube also said when he tried to expose the molestation, Banana told him
there was nothing he could do. "I am the highest court of appeal," he
allegedly bragged.
CD says in his letter although he had been aware that Banana was a
homosexual he had never believed this would happen to him. He reported the
alleged rape to a Cde Shirihuru on December 23.
CD says Shirihuru was the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and he reported
to
him because the minister Enos Nkala was not around.
Although simple calculation seems to imply that CD reported the alleged
rape
three days later, the reality is that he reported it on the first working
day. December 20 was a Friday and December 23 a Monday.
CD says three other people including one from intelligence were also told
about the case. Cde Startered who appeared to be from intelligence
allegedly
promised CD that he would get to the bottom of the problem as this could
not
be tolerated.
But like Dube, the only solution to CD s problem was to transfer him. He
was
given a scholarship to go back to school. Dube was transferred to Gweru
after his three-year ordeal.
The Insider has established that although Enos Nkala was indeed the
Minister
of Home Affairs at the time he did not have a deputy. In 1985, there were
11
deputy ministers but these were for local government, education, trade,
finance, labour, public construction, youth, transport, lands, information
and health.
The only Shirihuru who was a high ranking official is the late Edson
Shirihuru who was in intelligence.
As CD stated, it appears it was common knowledge soon after he assumed
office that Banana was a homosexual and that he was abusing officers who
guarded him.
John Chademana, a former assistant police commissioner, who referred Dube
first to the police commissioner and later to vice-President Simon Muzenda
said he was not surprised when Dube told him about the alleged sexual
abuse
because police had received intelligence reports about Banana s behaviour
since 1981. Even Vice President Muzenda was allegedly also not surprised.
According to the Mail and Guardian, when Dube and his colleagues
introduced
themselves to dignitaries at a State banquet, the former Defence Minister
Ernest Kadungure was quoted as saying: These people work for this man who
abuses other men . The then army commander, Solomon Mujuru is quoted as
having remarked: I have already withdrawn my men from State House.
According to sources, there is a feeling among some of the top ZANU- PF
officials that those who were allegedly abused by Banana wanted it. They
claim that those who did not beat Banana up and were never reprimanded.
But
as CD wrote, Banana told his victims he was the law. According to Dube, he
was the Highest Court of Appeal .
Banana seemed to be praying on the most vulnerable. But his world , it
appears, is now crumbling. Although he is on a state pension and is not
allowed to seek a job unless he forfeits his pension, Banana is reported
to
have applied to the University of Zimbabwe for a full-time job as a
professor, but was turned down.
He is already a professor in theology but is not on salary. Sources say he
was told his application could not be considered until his case was over.
According to the Presidential Pension and Retirement Benefits Act, Banana
is
entitled to a government office, a private secretary, a Mercedes Benz car,
a
domestic worker, a cook, a gardener,two drivers and two colour television
sets all provided and paid for by the State.
The act also states that the annual pension of a former President of
Zimbabwe who has completed at least one term of office shall be equal to
the
annual salary payable to him as President on the day he vacated office.
Banana's salary was $77 100 when he retired. This was a handsome amount at
that time, but peanuts today unless it has been adjusted. Even Members of
Parliament are being paid much more than that. President Mugabe is now
paid
more than three times that. Lecturers at the university earn at least
double
that.
With President Mugabe's stance on gays, most people must have been
outraged
at Banana's behaviour which even gays have condemned as he was allegedly
raping his victims.
But since it is now common knowledge that almost everyone in the
leadership
new about this at independence and they did not prosecute him despite
several approaches by his victims, the question is:What is going to
motivate
them to prosecute him now?
Banana may have his faults but he has also contributed significantly to
both
the country and the continent. By accepting to become President after the
then ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo had declined, he brought about unity and
continued to play a key role in bringing about the unity that now prevails
in the country. ZANU and ZAPU only united in 1987 when Banana retired as
President.
He has also played a crucial role in the development of soccer, although
some might argue that the most popular game in the country was also his
hunting ground. He has played a key peacekeeping role in Liberia. He has
also contributed in the development of literature through his various
books.
And talking about books, one question that has never been asked is: What
happened to his grand idea to rewrite the Bible? Could it have been a way
of
trying to come to terms with his condition since most of those who are
against gays tend to use the holy book?
*************************************ENDS*********************************
***
The Norwegian Council for Africa (Fellesr}det for Afrika)
is a non-profit making NGO.
Regards
Ba-Musa Ceesay
NORAD
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 13:01:31 +0200
From: "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
To: <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Message-ID: <199706161106.NAA02273@d1o2.telia.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Mr. Njie,
Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this discussion
may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?) ha=
d
previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political and
economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, inter
alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a ver=
y
big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned are
mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting points.
So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological poin=
t
of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour of =
a
people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
=20
On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific ethn=
ic
entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim that
there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the 70s
played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only the
songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups. By
any international standards, their performance was unique. Their music wa=
s
truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with prid=
e
identify herself with them. The political implications here are tremendou=
s:
If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience, that=20
all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much easier
for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to us,
and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS COUNTR=
Y
CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKAS, O=
R
THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively combatti=
ng
corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhance
progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask "whose
progress"]=20
----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful thinkin=
g,
but it is not.=20
One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was to s=
et
up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that was t=
o
solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD following
the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both men an=
d
women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVES
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THAT TH=
EY
MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE IN
THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how many
hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor farmers
do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles, waves =
of
coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our politic=
al
systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the governments
and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the nee=
d
for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively involving
them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's mentalit=
y.
You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni,
Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope by
education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal schooling =
-
Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu,
Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have all
been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to impose
any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called educated
Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very marginalise=
d
Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal systems,
constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are infact
not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first day i=
n
primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may be pa=
rt
of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
problems.=20
THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
Sidibeh.
=20
Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
=C4mne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as opposed =
=20
to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this would =
=20
be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices =20
can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can =20
change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can =20
make our education system more suited to other needs.
However, those aspects referred to, not without some =20
exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create =20
problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or =20
policemen, telling the people what they should or should not =20
do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will =20
necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection. =20
Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessment =20
in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being done =
=20
is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been =20
taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many =20
cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared. =20
Education is the best means of ensuring that people make =20
informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than =20
attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the day, =
=20
effective change can only come about if the people accept it. =20
For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as =20
such by the people for whom it is intended.
The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of female =20
circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in how =20
not to go about changing cultural practices.
On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,=20
Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> Malanding, and M. Njie,
> Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and star=
t
> appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a polypho=
ny
> of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce such
> exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique cultural
> features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but rath=
er
> each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a blend
whose
> power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the object o=
f
my
> saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this is
> exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
chaotic.
> I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou seeme=
d
to
> suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing and
making
> a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as traditions ar=
e
> largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that we m=
ay
> define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want to
live
> for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in our ow=
n
> history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst for
> education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here and
now
> expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of it
that
> falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
outlook)
> should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - it is
not
> just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative creed
> useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].=20
> Sidibeh.
> =20
>=20
> ----------
> > Fr=E5n: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > =C4mne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> >=20
> > Momodou,
> > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> >=20
> >=20
> > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
Every
> > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:what i=
s
> > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
cherished
> > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups) mus=
t
be
> > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
consequences?
> > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop, an=
d
> > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage savin=
gs
> > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to finance
> > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> instanc....
> >=20
> > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's really
> possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
country's
> are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case of t=
he
> Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a diverse
> 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones self
with.
> =20
> >=20
> > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do not
think
> that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value systems
> tend to be different.=20
> >=20
> > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > learning in largely non-literate societies?...=20
> > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more we
> learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people than
ever
> before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I was
> going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who is
useful
> at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves sen=
t
to
> school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> >=20
> > Malanding
>=20
----------
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 17:20:21 +-300
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
To: "'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: RE: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Message-ID: <01BC7A79.9DCCAFC0@diaj.qatar.net.qa>
HELLO MR.SIDIBEH!
THANKS FOR SUCH ANALYTICAL CLARITY.
MY LOVE TO YAA BIN AND THE CHILDREN.
REGARDS BASSS!!
----------
From: Momodou S Sidibeh[SMTP:momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com]
Sent: 10/OYN/1418 02:01 a
To: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
Subject: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Mr. Njie,
Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this discussion
may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?) had
previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political and
economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, inter
alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a very
big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned are
mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting points.
So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological point
of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour of a
people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific ethnic
entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim that
there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the 70s
played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only the
songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups. By
any international standards, their performance was unique. Their music was
truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with pride
identify herself with them. The political implications here are tremendous:
If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience, that
all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much easier
for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to us,
and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS COUNTRY
CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKAS, OR
THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively combatting
corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhance
progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask "whose
progress"]
----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful thinking,
but it is not.
One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was to set
up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that was to
solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD following
the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both men and
women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVES
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THAT THEY
MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE IN
THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how many
hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor farmers
do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles, waves of
coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our political
systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the governments
and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the need
for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively involving
them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's mentality.
You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni,
Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope by
education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal schooling -
Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu,
Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have all
been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to impose
any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called educated
Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very marginalised
Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal systems,
constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are infact
not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first day in
primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may be part
of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
problems.
THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
Sidibeh.
Fran: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Amne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as opposed
to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this would
be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices
can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can
change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can
make our education system more suited to other needs.
However, those aspects referred to, not without some
exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create
problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or
policemen, telling the people what they should or should not
do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will
necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection.
Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessment
in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being done
is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been
taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many
cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared.
Education is the best means of ensuring that people make
informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than
attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the day,
effective change can only come about if the people accept it.
For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as
such by the people for whom it is intended.
The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of female
circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in how
not to go about changing cultural practices.
On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,
Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> Malanding, and M. Njie,
> Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and start
> appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a polyphony
> of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce such
> exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique cultural
> features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but rather
> each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a blend
whose
> power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the object of
my
> saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this is
> exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
chaotic.
> I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou seemed
to
> suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing and
making
> a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as traditions are
> largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that we may
> define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want to
live
> for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in our own
> history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst for
> education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here and
now
> expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of it
that
> falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
outlook)
> should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - it is
not
> just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative creed
> useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].
> Sidibeh.
>
>
> ----------
> > Fran: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > Amne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> >
> > Momodou,
> > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> >
> >
> > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
Every
> > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:what is
> > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
cherished
> > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups) must
be
> > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
consequences?
> > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop, and
> > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage savings
> > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to finance
> > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> instanc....
> >
> > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's really
> possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
country's
> are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case of the
> Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a diverse
> 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones self
with.
>
> >
> > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do not
think
> that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value systems
> tend to be different.
> >
> > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > learning in largely non-literate societies?...
> > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more we
> learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people than
ever
> before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I was
> going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who is
useful
> at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves sent
to
> school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> >
> > Malanding
>
----------
------------------------------
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11513 Posts |
Posted - 19 Jun 2021 : 17:02:05
|
Date: 16 Jun 1997 18:29:28 GMT
From: momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Fwd: AFRICA-DEVELOPMENT: Poverty tighten
Message-ID: <1683877789.69824706@inform-bbs.dk>
Copyright 1997 InterPress Service, all rights reserved.
Worldwide distribution via the APC networks.
*** 11-Jun-97 ***
Title: AFRICA-DEVELOPMENT: Poverty tightens its Stranglehold //repeat//
//Att Editors: The following is EMBARGOED and may not be printed
or otherwise reproduced before 1000 GMT Thursday 12 June//
By Gumisai Mutume
CAPE TOWN, Jun 11 (IPS) -- Poverty remains one of the losing
battles being fought on the African continent, the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) says.
In its 1997 Human Development Report, launched here Thursday,
the UNDP says Sub-Saharan Africa together with South Asia are the
two regions hardest hit by poverty.
''Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest proportion of people in --
and the fastest growth in -- human poverty,'' says the report.
''Some 220 million people in the region are income-poor ... and it
is estimated that by 2000, half the people in Sub-Saharan Africa
will be in income poverty.''
This year's report focuses on poverty -- income poverty and
poverty from a human development perspective, that is
opportunities for living a tolerable life.
Across the world poverty has been reduced in the past 50 years
more than it has fallen in the previous 500, the report says. But
the progress has been marked by ups and downs, some regions often
lagging behind others.
''This is the only continent in the world that will become
poorer in the 21st century than it was in the 20th century,'' says
Djibril Diallo, UNDP's Director of Public Affairs.
All of the countries, except one, ranked at the bottom of the
new Human Poverty Index (HPI) introduced in this year's report are
in Africa: Niger, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mali,
Cambodia and Mozambique. Human poverty exceeds 50 percent of the
population in these countries.
''The cause for greatest concern for Sub-Saharan Africa is that
poverty is increasing,'' the report warns. The least developed
countries in the region face the biggest challenges and require
special international support.
''The situation is not monolithic,'' says Renosi Mokate of the
Centre for Reconstruction and Development at South Africa's
University of Pretoria. ''One major contributory factor is
political instability. We tend to see a general correlation
between levels of poverty and lack of stability.''
Conflict prevention and resolution, debt relief, more and
better directed aid, opening up of global markets especially for
the continent's agricultural produce could all help assist in
tackling poverty.
Mokate, a development specialist, says talk of macro-economic
stability tends to be interpreted as keeping government budget
deficits low.
World Bank and International Monetary Fund-led structural
adjustment programmes, currently in full swing across the
continent, also preach government austerity.
''Yet human resource capacities require more government
spending in areas such as education and health. This is often the
dilemma many countries face,'' she told IPS.
Another millstone around the necks of Sub-Saharan African
countries is an ever increasing debt burden. The debt of the
world's 41 poorest countries, most of them in Africa, has risen to
215 billion dollars from 183 billion in 1990 and 55 billion in
1980.
''However, there are islands of hope which could be the basis
for recovery,'' Diallo says. ''For instance there is an increase
in the number of countries turning to good governance and
democracy.''
This year's report is the eighth in a series of annual reports
compiled by UNDP's Human Development Team led by Richard Jolly in
collaboration with a group of scholars.
''Just when the possibilities for advance should be greater
than ever, new global pressures are creating or threatening
further increases in poverty,'' the authors say.
Slow economic growth and stagnation has hit 100 countries, and
conflict continues in 30 countries, most of which are in
Africa.(end/ips/gm/pm 97)= 06111811 HRE091
Origin: Harare/AFRICA-DEVELOPMENT/
----
[c] 1997, InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS)
All rights reserved
------------------------------
Date: 16 Jun 1997 18:31:31 GMT
From: momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Fwd: LABOUR: Non Aligned Movement Oppose
Message-ID: <3098017758.69824957@inform-bbs.dk>
Copyright 1997 InterPress Service, all rights reserved.
Worldwide distribution via the APC networks.
*** 11-Jun-97 ***
Title: LABOUR: Non Aligned Movement Opposes ILO Director's Report
by Gustavo Capdevila
GENEVA, Jun 11 (IPS) - The Non Aligned countries rejected the
report by director general of the International Labour
Organisation (ILO), Michel Hansenne, Wednesday, as it ''implicitly
endorses the social clause.''
In a declaration before the International Work Conference,
currently meeting in Geneva, the Non Aligned Movement (NAM)
countries reawakened debate of the social clause which sets the
industrialised and developing nations at odds.
The social clause, which aimed to make free trade conditional
on the fulfilment of international labour norms was officially
discarded following the last ministerial meeting of the World
Trade Organisation (WTO), according to the NAM declaration.
The ministerial conference of the WTO in Singapore last
December rejected ''the use of labour norms with protectionist
aims'' stipulating that comparative advantages, especially the
developing countries with low salaries ''should not be brought
into the matter.''
However, Hansene's report goes against these criteria
''appearing to adhere to the protectionist outlook which links
trade to labour norms,'' said the NAM.
Colombia's ambassador to the international bodies in Geneva,
Gustavo Castro Guerrero, read the declaration out Wednesday,
during the plenary session of the conference.
Castro said he was doing this in the name of the 113 NAM member
States and the five observers, including China, adding that four
members of the block - Chile, Jamaica, South Africa and Venezuela -
were formulating reservations on the document.
The NAM declaration flatly questioned Hansene's proposals in
his report on the normative action of the ILO in the era of
globalisation.
The director general proposed member States adopt measures to
assure trade liberalisation is accompanied by social progress.
He promoted the observance of basic human rights in the labour
sphere, set out in the basic ILO agreements: union freedoms and
collective negotiation, heavy labour, the war on discrimination
and the minimum working age.
Another of his suggestions was for the use of a ''social global
sticker'' to be awarded to producers who observe the principles
set out in the basic agreements.
The NAM expressed its concern at Hansene's report as it has
several imperfections and ''introduced an unsustainable link
between the labour norms and trade,'' which it considers
unacceptable, said Castro.
The ministerial conference in Singapore ''did not confer the
ILO a new mandate to take an initiative on trade and labour
norms,'' he added.
Taking an openly controversial stance, the NAM said the
diversity in the application of labour norms basically reflects
the differences in levels of economic development.
''The labour norms are not the main cause of the comparative
advantage of the developing countries,'' said the declaration.
Furthermore, ''there is no evidence that lower levels of social
protection affect the commercial parameters,'' they said.
The NAM declaration practically decided the fate of Hansene's
report, but the leader still has another two years to go at the
head of the ILO.
The opinions on the report expressed by delgates during the
International Labour Conference will set the tone for the
judgement made by the ILO Administrative Coucil.
The next Council meeting will take place on June 20, following
the close of the conference. And the following session is planned
for next November. (END/IPS/tra-so/pc/ag/sm/97)
Origin: Montevideo/LABOUR/
----
[c] 1997, InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS)
All rights reserved
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 21:16:32 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: BRAZZAVILLE
Message-ID: <199706161916.VAA14614@login.eunet.no>
Mime-version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit
DATE=6/16/97
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-215755
TITLE=CONGO / BRAZZAVILLE (L)
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN
DATELINE=KINSHASA
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: NEGOTIATORS FROM THE TWO WARRING SIDES IN
CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE ARE SET TO MEET FOR THE FIRST TIME TODAY
(MONDAY) IN LIBREVILLE, THE CAPITAL OF GABON. V-O-A'S JOHN
PITMAN REPORTS THE MEETING WILL FOCUS ON WAYS TO END 11 DAYS OF
CIVIL WAR.
TEXT: A GREAT DEAL OF INTERNATIONAL ATTENTION IS FOCUSED ON THE
LIBREVILLE TALKS. THE U-N SPECIAL ENVOY FOR CENTRAL AFRICA,
MOHAMED SAHNOUN, WILL ATTEND THE MEETINGS, AS WILL
REPRESENTATIVES FROM THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT AND THE EUROPEAN
UNION. THE U-S STATE DEPARTMENT HAS ALSO EXPRESSED ITS SUPPORT
FOR A PEACEFUL RESOLUTION TO THE CONFLICT.
THE TALKS THEMSELVES WILL BE MEDIATED BY GABON'S PRESIDENT, OMAR
BONGO.
THE ENVOYS FROM CONGO PRESIDENT PASCAL LISSOUBA AND FORMER
PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU NGUESSO ARRIVED IN LIBREVILLE ACCOMPANIED
BY THE MAYOR OF BRAZZAVILLE, BERNARD KOLELAS. MR. KOLELAS HAS
PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN BRINGING THE TWO SIDES TOGETHER -- AND HAS
PROPOSED MUCH OF THE AGENDA.
IN ADDITION TO NEGOTIATING A LASTING CEASEFIRE, THE TWO RIVALS
ALSO WILL DISCUSS WAYS TO ENSURE SECURITY DURING NEXT MONTH'S
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE, WHICH ARE STILL
SCHEDULED FOR JULY 27TH.
OTHER ISSUES TO BE DISCUSSED INCLUDE OPENING THE CITY FOR
HUMANITARIAN GROUPS TO COLLECT THE DEAD, AND A PROPOSAL FOR
INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPERS TO PATROL THE CAPITAL DURING THE
VOTING.
MEANWHILE, THE FRENCH ARMY SAYS ITS EVACUATION MISSION -- CODE
NAMED "OPERATION PELICAN" -- IS OVER. ABOUT 300 FRENCH SOLDIERS
ARE EXPECTED TO LEAVE BRAZZAVILLE TODAY, WITH THE REMAINING 900
TO PULL OUT DURING THE NEXT FEW DAYS.
DURING THE PAST 11 DAYS, OPERATION PELICAN HAS EVACUATED MORE
THAN FIVE-THOUSAND FOREIGNERS -- BUT AT THE COST OF ONE FRENCH
SOLDIER'S LIFE.
THE FRENCH WITHDRAWAL HAS SPARKED NEW FIGHTING AROUND THE
AIRPORT, AS BOTH SIDES JOCKEY FOR POSITION TO GRAB THIS VALUABLE
PIECE OF REAL ESTATE WHEN THE FRENCH ARE GONE.
REPORTS FROM THE SCENE SAY MR. SASSOU NGUESSO'S "COBRA MILITIA"
APPEARS TO HAVE THE UPPER HAND IN THE CONTEST. FRENCH SOLDIERS
REPORT SEEING MILITIAMEN MOVING HEAVY ARTILLERY INTO POSITION
CLOSE TO THE AIRPORT PERIMETER.
SOUNDS OF SPORADIC FIGHTING NEAR THE BRAZZAVILLE AIRPORT CAN BE
HEARD HERE ACROSS THE RIVER IN KINSHASA. THE REST OF
BRAZZAVILLE, INCLUDING THE DOWNTOWN AREA, WHICH WAS SCENE TO SOME
OF THIS WAR'S WORST BATTLES, APPEARS QUIET.
THERE IS STILL NO FIRM DEATH TOLL FROM THE VIOLENCE, WHICH
BEGAN JUNE FIFTH, WHEN GOVERNMENT TROOPS TRIED TO DISARM MR.
SASSOU NGUESSO'S MILITIA. HOWEVER, SOME WITNESSES SAY THE NUMBER
OF BODIES STILL LYING IN THE STREETS SUGGESTS THE TOTAL MAY RISE
INTO THE THOUSANDS. (SIGNED)
NEB/JP/JWH
16-Jun-97 5:16 AM EDT (0916 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America.
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 16 Jun 1997 23:08:08 -0400 (EDT)
From: SANG1220@aol.com
To: Gambia-L@u.washington.edu
Cc: SANG1220@aol.com
Subject: Mr. Sedibeh's Article
Message-ID: <970616230733_-1663570563@emout15.mail.aol.com>
Basically, what am doing is offerring commentary and seeking more
information. I AM NOT that familia wiyh events in the Gambia but I would like
to say this: Since Jammeh took power I' ve recognize the inexperience on his
and his misters part i.e take the incident of a minister accuse of going to
another country to bribe somebody it should have been tackle headon instead
of legitimizing by saying that the minister was on official duty, that in my
opinion is sending a wrong signal in effect the gov't is condoning suck a
practice
Thanks
Sang
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 09:59:35 +0000
From: "M'BAI OF" <O.F.M'Bai@icsl.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: simplicity not pomposity
Message-ID: <199706170844.JAA29051@netmail.city.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT
" THANK YOU FOR SUCH AN ANALYTICAL CLARITY " .
WOULD IT NOT BE IN THE BEST INTEREST OF OTHER
PEOPLE ON THE LIST LIKE MYSELF , FOR PEOPLE TO REFRAIN
FROM USING SUCH A POMPOUS WAY OF EXPRESSING THEIR
UNDERSTANDING OF THE ENGLISH GRAMMAR . I BELIEVE
THAT THE MOST APPRECIABLE WAY OF EXPRESSING
ONES ENGLISH GRAMMAR IS TO BE SIMPLE , PRECISE
AND CONCISE , THAT WAY ONE IS NOT DEPRIVING THE
LESS FORTUNATE PEOPLE WHO COULD NOT ACHIEVE
HIGHER EDUCATION . DOING THINGS IN A SIMPLE WAY
IS THE KEY TO SUCCESS IN EVERY WORK OF LIFE .
IN EXAMS EG THE MORE POMPOUS ONE IS IN ONES
GRAMMAR , THE MORE LIKELY THAT ONE WILL FAIL ,
BUT THE MORE SIMPLE , PRECISE AND CONCISE ONE IS
THE HIGHLY LIKELY THAT ONE WILL PASS .
WITHOUT PREJUDICE TO THE AUTHOR OF THIS POMPOUS
PHRASE , I THINK ONE SHOULD BE CONSIDERATE IN THAT
NOT EVERYBODY ON THE LIST HAS HAD THE OPPORTUNITY
TO GO TO HIGH SCHOOL , COLLEGE OR UNIVERSITY SO
WHEN WRITING ANY ARTICLE , PLEASE, PLEASE CONSIDER
THEM AS WELL .
REGARDS TO ALL .
M'BAI OMAR F.
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 06:58:43 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: fwd: Op-Ed:The City and the Kingdom
Message-ID: <33A66DE3.CFA878EF@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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ON MY MIND / By A.M. ROSENTHAL
The City and the Kingdom
A letter from the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington:
"Regarding any information we might know of Christian persecution in Saudi Arabia,
the answer is -- none. We have many foreign workers in the Kingdom and they are
treated as guests, and every consideration is given for their needs, as long as they abide
by the Shari'a law."
The letter was in answer to a New York Times reporter's inquiry for a story on
legislation before the City Council of New York that would bar the city from doing
business with companies operating in 15 countries named as persecuting Christians.
The list includes China and other Communist countries and Saudi Arabia and other
Muslim countries.
The assurance about foreign guests was printed on June 15 in an article about business
opposition to the legislation. So now -- some facts about religious worship in the
Kingdom.
Such information is easy to find about any of the 15.
About Saudi Arabia it is impossible to escape. Denial is a lie.
The Shari'a is the Holy Law of Islam, derived from the Koran and Mohammed's
teachings.
The Saudi section in the State Department's most recent worldwide report on human
rights, based on dispatches from U.S. embassies, is a good place to find out how the
law is seen and enforced by the royal Government:
"Freedom of religion does not exist. Islam is the official religion and all citizens must be
Muslims. The Government prohibits the practice of other religions."
Other information in the report:
For Christians caught worshiping, punishment can be arrest and lashing. Wearing
religious symbols is prohibited. Christians wearing a cross or engaging in any other
religious practice can be arrested, flogged and deported.
Conversion by Muslims to another religion is considered apostasy. Apostasy is
punishable by execution.
Paul Marshall, a specialist on persecution of Christians, writes that occasionally citizens
of important countries like Britain or the U.S. are allowed worship within embassy
grounds, if they keep quiet about it.
Amnesty International has documented about 350 cases of Christian foreign workers
arrested when they tried to worship -- in private, since church services are banned. But
arrests of Christians from Asia, the Mideast and Africa, which supply most of the
Kingdom's foreign workers, usually go unreported by their relatives and employers.
They fear the reprisals: arrest and torture of the prisoners' families.
And, for Americans who think Saudi officials have any more respect for them than
laborers from the third world: U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia during the gulf war were not
allowed to wear any symbol of their faith. Since the war, religious oppression has
increased. Saudi rulers are terrified that thoughts of religious freedom, or any other
kind, linger from having had Americans around to protect them from Iraq.
American businessmen never worried about such Saudi ways and morals -- nor do
they now.
They do worry about the increasing American public revulsion against using government
funds and contracts to enrich the persecutors. Nineteen cities and states are considering
legislation to use local economic pressure against repression.
The opposition from business and persecutors will be stepped up in organization and
funding. The focus will be on New York City, and particular pressure on two men:
Council Speaker Peter Vallone, who introduced the legislation, and Mayor Rudolph
Giuliani, sympathetic but uncommitted, who will find it on his desk.
So it is increasingly critical for opponents of religious persecution to insist the evidence
be spread out and denials examined instead of simply repeated and passed along.
The businessmen and their lobbyists, Americans who attend Saudi Embassy parties or
take those velvet trips to Saudi Arabia arranged by its officials -- they all know about
the religious persecution.
Perhaps like Robert Kiley, president of New York's Chamber of Commerce, they will
say in public that local action against persecutions is just know-nothingism cloaked in
morality. Maybe some will even say that in private, to themselves and God, as they
worship. But it will be difficult, won't it, because we really do know, don't we?
Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 13:43:40 +0200
From: "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
To: <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: SV: simplicity not pomposity
Message-ID: <199706171146.NAA04807@d1o2.telia.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Mr. M'BAI,
On behalf of Bass and myself, I am sincerely apologising to you and anyon=
e
else who found that there was a streak of pomposity in what was written. =
I
really recognise that the languages we use are probably the biggest
problem. Thank you very much for reminding us that we must come down to
earth. But please be assured that the intention was not to sound pompous =
or
to make it difficult for anyone to understand what was written.
A very good afternoon to you.
Sidibeh.
----------
> Fr=E5n: M'BAI OF <O.F.M'Bai@icsl.ac.uk>
> Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> =C4mne: simplicity not pomposity
> Datum: den 17 juni 1997 11:59
>=20
> " THANK YOU FOR SUCH AN ANALYTICAL CLARITY " .=20
> WOULD IT NOT BE IN THE BEST INTEREST OF OTHER=20
> PEOPLE ON THE LIST LIKE MYSELF , FOR PEOPLE TO REFRAIN
> FROM USING SUCH A POMPOUS WAY OF EXPRESSING THEIR=20
> UNDERSTANDING OF THE ENGLISH GRAMMAR . I BELIEVE=20
> THAT THE MOST APPRECIABLE WAY OF EXPRESSING=20
> ONES ENGLISH GRAMMAR IS TO BE SIMPLE , PRECISE=20
> AND CONCISE , THAT WAY ONE IS NOT DEPRIVING THE=20
> LESS FORTUNATE PEOPLE WHO COULD NOT ACHIEVE=20
> HIGHER EDUCATION . DOING THINGS IN A SIMPLE WAY=20
> IS THE KEY TO SUCCESS IN EVERY WORK OF LIFE .=20
>=20
> IN EXAMS EG THE MORE POMPOUS ONE IS IN ONES=20
> GRAMMAR , THE MORE LIKELY THAT ONE WILL FAIL ,
> BUT THE MORE SIMPLE , PRECISE AND CONCISE ONE IS=20
> THE HIGHLY LIKELY THAT ONE WILL PASS .=20
>=20
> WITHOUT PREJUDICE TO THE AUTHOR OF THIS POMPOUS
> PHRASE , I THINK ONE SHOULD BE CONSIDERATE IN THAT
> NOT EVERYBODY ON THE LIST HAS HAD THE OPPORTUNITY
> TO GO TO HIGH SCHOOL , COLLEGE OR UNIVERSITY SO=20
> WHEN WRITING ANY ARTICLE , PLEASE, PLEASE CONSIDER=20
> THEM AS WELL .
>=20
> REGARDS TO ALL .
>=20
> M'BAI OMAR F.
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 14:13:35 +0200
From: =?iso-8859-1?Q?Asbj=F8rn_Nordam?= <asbjorn.nordam@dif.dk>
To: "'gambia'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Gambia at the Winter Olympic Games ?
Message-ID: <c=DK%a=_%p=DIF%l=DKDIFS02-970617121335Z-2928@dkdifs02.dif.dk>
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A short sport-comment. The Gambia at the winter olympic in Nagano, Japan
!!. I=B4m amazed. As employed in the national olympic comittee and =
Sports
Confederation of Denmark, I have allways found the winter olympic to be
very, very exclusive sports. Ice-hockey and figure-skating, skiing,
ski-jump, etc etc. It=B4s very expensive and commercial sports. And =
Japan
is also known as a very expensive country to go to. Has any of you an
idea, if The Gambia has a citizen, braught up in Canada, US, Europe, or
any place, where to practise these speciel winter-sports, (created by
us, the nations who can afford this) and who is capable of these
specific sports to join the olympic games ? It is seen, that there are
participants from "warm" places in the world (like the Gambia), but
those were sons/daughters of very rich people, who has lived most of
there life abroad. We call them "tourists", not to be patronizing or to
deride them. But for instance on some of the skiing events, where there
are only 1 second between the winner and the number 15 in the event,
some of these people comes down hill =BD-1 minute after the first =
one.(And
a trained tourist can do so). They don=B4t have the possibilities or
facilities which is needed to become athlets in these specific games.
Even in Denmark we are not able to send many. If we are lucky we can
send 1 or 2 persons, and they has often lived there life in Sweden,
Norway or south of Europe. So excuse me when I say, that until I come to
know who is the participants and in which sports, I don=B4t think The
Gambia should spend money by sending people to the winter-games. The
money could be better spend on training facilities, or
sports-educational programmes back home. Asbj=F8rn Nordam
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 13:17:41 +0100 (BST)
From: "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Cc: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Message-ID: <Pine.HPP.3.91.970617113408.19246B-100000@whale.students.stir.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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I might have read Mr Sidibeh's contribution, and the reason =20
why I did not respond was probably that, on balance, I agreed =
=20
with what he said. It was when someone suggested that Africans =
=20
do not have a cultural identity that I saw the need to do =20
so, and addressed that person in particular. It is not my =20
intention for this discussion to become 'unfocused, narrow and =20
jejune' as this will not be very helpful. This is not =20
supposed to be a mud-slinging match, but humble contributions =20
to issues that are of overwhelming importance to us. It is =20
only by exchanging ideas that we learn from one another and =20
hopefully devise the best way forward for our country.
When I said that the use of 'unique' was a bit of an =20
exaggeration, I was by no means accusing Mr Sidibeh of wishful =
=20
thinking. It was simply a note of caution that when such a =20
word is used, it means none of its kind exists. At least, =20
that is my understanding. I cannot think of any aspect of =20
Gambian culture that does not exist elsewhere. The wording of =20
the sentence referred to ('It does not mean that any of the =20
unique cultural features of the different national groups should =
=20
be abandoned...') does not appear to be a suggestion.
The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or =20
were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past =20
trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day, =20
the group received a largely negative response from the people. =
=20
It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though =20
not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music =20
should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a =20
different type of music. The question here is, do you impose =20
on the people what you think is good, or do the people =20
decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi, =20
that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their =20
music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than =20
did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a =20
"language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that =20
Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long =20
way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it =20
is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring that =
=20
about.
It is wrong for government officials, whether in Japan, the =20
U.K., the U.S. or The Gambia to engage in corrupt practices, =20
but how a NATIONAL IDENTITY can put a stop to such practices =20
is not clear. There are good and bad people everywhere. The =20
easiest way for people to understand that the government =20
belongs to them is to explain to them how governments work. =20
For example, the importance of their votes, what happens to =20
their products and the taxes they pay. This in my view is a =20
more practical and effective way to combat corruption than try =20
to create a NATIONAL IDENTITY, the success of which is, at =20
best, uncertain.
I was in The Gambia when the Consultative Committee was set =
=20
up, and it was a commendable gesture. But to suggest that =20
'For the first time in their lives rrepresentatives of the =20
state asked them for their opinion on a nationally important =20
matter' is to ignore the fact that Gambians had been going to =
=20
the polls before to, I suppose, express their opinion as to =20
the type of government or Head of State they wanted. They =20
might have made the wrong decisions, but ultimately they were =20
responsible for the type of government they had.
I am by no means proposing the wholesale adoption of =20
Westminster-type constituions. I do not think the U.K is a =20
hugely more democratic country than The Gambia. However, I =20
believe that the people should have the power to remove a =20
government or an M.P at any time, if they are not satisfied =20
with the way things are going. The fact that certain aspects =20
of such constitutions did not grow organically from our =20
political systems does not render them any less useful or =20
practical. Western education did not grow organically from our =20
cultural systems, but we find it useful in many ways. We live =
=20
in global village and should always have an open mind towards =20
other people's experiences that we can use to our advantage. =20
In Africa, our political systems were not always characterised =20
by dialogue and reaching consensus, but also by internecine =20
conflict. What we have to do is to retain the still workable =20
aspects of the old political systems and blend them with other =
=20
systems around the world that we feel can work in our =20
situation.
Mr Sidibeh and I do not seem to disagree about the importance =
=20
of education in changing people's attitudes and beliefs. I am =20
also heartened by the fact that the African leaders he named =20
all received formal education, a prerequisite for any leader =20
in the modern world. The Arabs played an important part in =20
ancient African politics because they could read and write. The =
=20
problem is not so much the type of education as what one =20
does with it. It is unfortunate that many African leaders =20
failed their people's, but it is gratifying to note that Africa =
=20
had and still has other western educated leaders with a =20
different political outlook, including Lumumba, Mandela, Mugabe, =20
Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sankara, Senghor, and Toure.
In my intial response, it was never suggested that Mr =20
Sidibeh was trying to impose HIS values on people. I am sorry =
=20
if I created that impression. What I was trying to say is =20
that those people who have received western education, including =
=20
myself, should not assume that they have THE answers, as this =20
might alienate us from the people we so desperately want to =20
serve. I am quite aware of the shortcomings of western =20
education; otherwise I would not have suggested that we should =20
make it more suited to our needs. In doing this hopefully we =20
would look into the legal, political, social and economic =20
systems affecting us. I would not have any difficulty retaining =
=20
'Mary, Mary come here'. 'Mary' is after all a Gambian name, =20
just like Mariam, Mariama Marie.
However, I would advocate for a type of education that =20
enhances our self-confidence, a type of educatipon that does =20
not blindly glorify the past, and a type of education that =20
would go a long way in bringing back the self-sufficient =20
economy we used to have before the advent of colonialism. The =20
'poor farmers' would play a leading role in this regard =20
because they are the least dependent on foreign assistance.
I quite agree that we are in many ways the problem of the =
=20
solution. But I also believe that through dialogue and =20
tolerance of one another's views we can map out a =20
comprehensive strategy as to the best way forward. If this is =20
jejune, so be it.
Thanks for your time.
MOMODOU
On Mon, 16 Jun 1997, Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> Mr. Njie,
> Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this discussion
> may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?) ha=
d
> previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political and
> economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
> relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
> suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, inter
> alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a ver=
y
> big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
> democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned are
> mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting points=
..
> So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological poin=
t
> of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour of =
a
> people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
> =20
> On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific ethn=
ic
> entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
> Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim that
> there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
> altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the 70s
> played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
> languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only the
> songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups. By
> any international standards, their performance was unique. Their music wa=
s
> truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
> geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with prid=
e
> identify herself with them. The political implications here are tremendou=
s:
> If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience, that=
=20
> all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
> enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much easier
> for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to us,
> and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS COUNTR=
Y
> CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKAS, O=
R
> THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
> DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively combatti=
ng
> corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhance
> progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask "whose
> progress"]=20
> ----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful thinkin=
g,
> but it is not.=20
> One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was to s=
et
> up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that was t=
o
> solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD following
> the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both men an=
d
> women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVES
> REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
> NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THAT TH=
EY
> MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE IN
> THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how many
> hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor farmers
> do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles, waves =
of
> coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
> government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
> Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our politic=
al
> systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the governments
> and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the nee=
d
> for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively involving
> them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
> I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's mentalit=
y.
> You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
> Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni,
> Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope by
> education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal schooling =
-
> Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu,
> Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have all
> been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to impose
> any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called educated
> Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very marginalise=
d
> Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal systems,
> constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are infact
> not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first day i=
n
> primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may be pa=
rt
> of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
> problems.=20
> THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
> Sidibeh.
>=20
>=20
> =20
> Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> =C4mne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
>=20
> It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as opposed =
=20
> to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this would =
=20
> be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices =20
> can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can =20
> change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can =20
> make our education system more suited to other needs.
>=20
> However, those aspects referred to, not without some =20
> exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create =20
> problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or =20
> policemen, telling the people what they should or should not =20
> do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will =20
> necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection. =20
> Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessment =
=20
> in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being done =
=20
> is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been =20
> taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many =20
> cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared. =20
> Education is the best means of ensuring that people make =20
> informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than =20
> attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the day, =
=20
> effective change can only come about if the people accept it. =
=20
> For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as =20
> such by the people for whom it is intended.
>=20
> The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of female =
=20
> circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in how =
=20
> not to go about changing cultural practices.
>=20
>=20
> On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,=20
> Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
>=20
> > Malanding, and M. Njie,
> > Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and star=
t
> > appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a polypho=
ny
> > of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce such
> > exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique cultural
> > features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but rath=
er
> > each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a blend
> whose
> > power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the object o=
f
> my
> > saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this is
> > exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
> chaotic.
> > I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou seeme=
d
> to
> > suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing and
> making
> > a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as traditions ar=
e
> > largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that we m=
ay
> > define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want to
> live
> > for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in our ow=
n
> > history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst for
> > education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here and
> now
> > expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of it
> that
> > falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
> outlook)
> > should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - it is
> not
> > just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative creed
> > useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> > advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].=20
> > Sidibeh.
> > =20
> >=20
> > ----------
> > > Fr=E5n: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > > =C4mne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> > > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> > >=20
> > > Momodou,
> > > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> > >=20
> > >=20
> > > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
> Every
> > > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:what i=
s
> > > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
> cherished
> > > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups) mus=
t
> be
> > > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
> consequences?
> > > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop, an=
d
> > > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage savin=
gs
> > > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to finance
> > > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> > instanc....
> > >=20
> > > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's really
> > possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
> country's
> > are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> > individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> > Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case of t=
he
> > Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a diverse
> > 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones self
> with.
> > =20
> > >=20
> > > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> > generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do not
> think
> > that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> > cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value systems
> > tend to be different.=20
> > >=20
> > > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > > learning in largely non-literate societies?...=20
> > > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more we
> > learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people than
> ever
> > before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I was
> > going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who is
> useful
> > at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves sen=
t
> to
> > school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> > >=20
> > > Malanding
> >=20
> ----------
>=20
>=20
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 08:32:32 -0700 (PDT)
From: Ylva Hernlund <yher@u.washington.edu>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: seeking address
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.3.95b.970617083141.14622F-100000@dante04.u.washington.edu>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Does anyone have a mailing address for Steve Fox in Gambia? Ylva
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 19:54:40 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: NIGERIA
Message-ID: <199706171754.TAA24166@login.eunet.no>
Mime-version: 1.0
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DATE=6/17/97
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-215820
TITLE=NIGERIA / U-S
BYLINE=SONNY YOUNG
DATELINE=WASHINGTON
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION SAYS ITS POLICY TOWARD NIGERIA
IS ALWAYS BEING STUDIED. THE COMMENT CAME IN REACTION TO A
NEWSPAPER REPORT THAT THE STATE DEPARTMENT IS ABOUT TO UNDERTAKE
A WIDE-RANGING REVIEW OF ITS POLICY TOWARD NIGERIA. V-O-A'S
SONNY YOUNG HAS THE STORY.
TEXT: ACCORDING TO THE WASHINGTON POST, THE ADMINISTRATION
RECOGNIZES THAT THREE YEARS OF DIPLOMATIC PRESSURE AND MODEST
SANCTIONS HAVE FAILED TO MOVE NIGERIA'S MILITARY GOVERNMENT
TOWARD DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL REFORM.
AS A RESULT, IT SAYS THE ADMINISTRATION WILL SOON BEGIN A BROAD
REVIEW OF ITS POLICY TOWARD AFRICA'S MOST POPULOUS COUNTRY.
STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN NICHOLAS BURNS SAYS THERE IS NO TIME
FRAME FOR SUCH A REVIEW. HE SAYS THE UNITED STATES IS ALMOST
ALWAYS EXAMINING ITS NIGERIA POLICY.
// FIRST BURNS ACTUALITY :27 //
NIGERIA IS AN IMPORTANT COUNTRY. WE ALWAYS KEEP OUR
RELATIONS WITH IMPORTANT COUNTRIES LIKE NIGERIA UNDER
REVIEW ALMOST AROUND THE CLOCK. I CAN NOT POINT
PUBLICLY TO ANY PARTICULAR PIECE OF PAPER OR MEETINGS OR
SENATE MEETINGS. BUT OBVIOUSLY, GIVEN THE ROLE THAT
NIGERIA PLAYS IN A LOT OF DIFFERENT VENUES -- IN OIL
POLITICS; AS A FORCE FOR INSTABILITY OR STABILITY IN
WEST AFRICA, IN SIERRA LEONE FOR INSTANCE; WE NEED TO
KEEP NIGERIAN - U-S RELATIONS IN THE FOREFRONT OF OUR
THOUGHTS.
// END ACTUALITY //
MR. BURNS SAYS THE UNITED STATES STILL HAS A LONG LIST OF
GRIEVANCES WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF GENERAL SANI ABACHA. AND HE
SAYS THESE GRIEVANCES WILL NOT BE IGNORED.
// SECOND BURNS ACTUALITY :34 //
THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT HAS A LOT TO ANSWER FOR.....IT'S
NON-DEMOCRATIC.....IT'S AUTOCRATIC.....IT'S A MAJOR
VIOLATOR OF HUMAN RIGHTS.....THE EXECUTION OF NIGERIAN
OPPOSITIONISTS KEN SARO-WIWA AND OTHERS.....PROBLEMS
WITH DRUGS. THESE PROBLEMS AREN'T GOING TO GO AWAY AND
NO ONE IS TRYING TO SWEEP THEM UNDER THE RUG. NOT AT
ALL, NOT AT ALL. THEY REMAIN REALLY THE PROBLEM IN U-S
- NIGERIAN RELATIONS -- ALL THESE OBSTACLES TO GOOD
RELATIONS. IF WE COULD SEE IMPROVEMENT ON THESE ISSUES,
OBVIOUSLY THAT WOULD BE OF INTEREST TO THE UNITED
STATES. IF WE DON'T SEE IMPROVEMENT, AND WE HAVEN'T
REALLY SEEN MUCH, THEN OBVIOUSLY IT'S GOING TO BE
DIFFICULT FOR US TO MOVE FORWARD IN ANY DEMONSTRABLE
WAY.
// END ACTUALITY //
MR. BURNS SAYS AS PART OF THE PROCESS THAT LIES AHEAD, THERE WILL
BE SOME CHANGES WITHIN THE STATE DEPARTMENT'S AFRICA
POLICY-MAKING DIVISION. BUT HE SAYS HE DOES NOT EXPECT THEM TO
RESULT IN A SUDDEN CHANGE IN NIGERIA POLICY.
// THIRD BURNS ACTUALITY :17 //
WE'LL HAVE A TRANSITION IN OUR AFRICAN AFFAIRS BUREAU.
BUT I DON'T ANTICIPATE ANY IMMEDIATE CHANGES. BUT WE'LL
HAVE TO RESERVE THE RIGHT TO FOLLOW ANY NUMBER OF
TACTICS THAT WOULD ACCOMPLISH THE STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES
THAT WE SET OUT FOR OURSELVES. I JUST CAN'T TELL YOU
WE'VE CHANGED (TOWARD NIGERIA). WHETHER WE WILL IN THE
FUTURE, THAT WILL DEPEND A LOT ON WHAT HAPPENS IN THE
NEXT COUPLE OF MONTHS.
// END ACTUALITY //
FUTURE U-S POLICY TOWARD NIGERIA IS EXPECTED TO DEPEND ON WHETHER
THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT COMMITS ITSELF TO A TRANSITION TO
DEMOCRACY. GENERAL ABACHA HAS PROMISED A TRANSITION BY NEXT
YEAR.
IN MAURITIUS TODAY, REUTER NEWS AGENCY QUOTES NIGERIA'S COMMERCE
AND TOURISM MINISTER AS SAYING HIS COUNTRY IS ABOUT 15 MONTHS
AWAY FROM DEMOCRACY AND AN END TO MILITARY RULE. IN HIS WORDS,
NIGERIA IS ON A ONE-WAY STREET TO DEMOCRACY. (SIGNED)
E-TO-A/SONNY/EH
17-Jun-97 10:58 AM EDT (1458 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America.
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 21:05:49 +-300
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
To: "'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: RE: MR.NBAYE!
Message-ID: <01BC7B62.41A86E20@dihi.qatar.net.qa>
----------
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH[SMTP:kolls567@qatar.net.qa]
Sent: 11/OYN/1418 07:29 a
To: 'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'
Subject: Re: MR.NBAYE!
HELLO!
YOU ALWAYS HAVE PROBLEMS REMEMBERING SOME OF THE PROTOCOLS HERE,ESPECIALLY
NOW THAT YOU HAVE BEEN SILENT FOR QUITE SOMETIME.
WHEN SOMEONE SAYS SOMETHING THAT YOU DON'T SEEM TO UNDERSTAND,ALL YOU NEED
TO DO IS TO WRITE THAT PERSON AND ASK HIM TO ELABORATE ON THAT PARTICULAR
POINT.THAT IS SOMETHING WE HAVE DONE HERE MANY THOUSAND TIMES! THIS
BANTABAA IS MUCH FREER AND MORE FLEXIBLE THAN THE FaFa Jawara-High School
YOU WERE USED TO IN THE GAMBIA!
I ,PERSONALLY, DON'T THINK THAT THE LANGUAGE STANDARD WOULD HAVE BEEN
LOWERED EVEN IF Sidibeh WROTE IN FULA OR JOLA,FOR THE SIMPLE REASON THAT
Abstract Concepts SUCH AS CULTURE ARE DIFFICULT
TO BE SATISFACTORILY EXPLAINED IN WORDS DIFFERENT FROM THE ONES
THAT YOU BELIEVE ARE SIGNS OF POMPOSITY.THIS ISSUE IS MUCH MORE COMPLICATED
THAN A COUPLE OF DIFFICULT WORDS IN A LANGUAGE EIGHT THOUSAND MILES AWAY
FROM OUR Mothers' Tongues.THE INJUSTICE AND CRUELTY OF OUR INFANTILE
DEPENDENCY ON A LANGUAGE SO ALIEN TO THE VAST MAJORITY OF OUR PEOPLE CANNOT
BE OVERSTATED.BUT THAT HAS EVERYTHING TO DO WITH THE CRUELTY OF OUR
COLONIAL LEGACY AND MUST NOT BE BLAMED ON THOSE AFRICANS WHO,JUST
INCIDENTALLY,HAPPEN TO MASTER THAT LANGUAGE BETTER THAN THE REST OF US.AND
I HAVE NO DOUBT IN MY MIND THAT THE PEOPLE YOU PRETEND TO BE LAWYERING ON
THEIR BEHALF KNOW THOSE THINGS VERY WELL.SO,MAYBE YOU SHOULD GIVE THEM A
LITTLE BIT OF CREDIT!!
REGARDS BASSSS!!
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 11:50:55 -0700 (PDT)
From: Ylva Hernlund <yher@u.washington.edu>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: new member
Message-ID: <Pine.A41.3.95b.970617103601.31338A-100000@dante16.u.washington.edu>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
listmanagers,
can you please add Paul Bariteau at p_bariteau@msn.com. Thank you, Ylva
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 17 Jun 1997 17:00:59 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: [Fwd: Africa: Oxfam on G7 Summit (fwd)]
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From: Faraz Fareed Rabbani <frabbani@chass.utoronto.ca>
Subject: Africa: Oxfam on G7 Summit (fwd)
To: Multiple recipients of list AFRICA-N <AFRICA-N@listserv.utoronto.ca>
> Date distributed (ymd): 970617
> Document reposted by APIC
>
> Oxfam International Advocacy Office
> 1511 "K" Street, Suite 1044, Washington DC 20005, USA
> Tel: 1 202 393 5332; Fax: 1 202 783 8739;
> Email: oxfamintdc@igc.apc.org.
>
> OXFAM BRIEFING FOR G7 DENVER SUMMIT
>
> Partnership for Economic Growth and Opportunity in Africa:
> an Oxfam response to the US initiative
>
> I. The US government has drawn up proposals for a new
> initiative, the Partnership for Economic Growth and
> Opportunity in Africa, aimed at addressing the development
> crisis in sub-Saharan Africa. Recognizing the opportunities
> created by economic and social reform programs in many
> countries, the initiative, which enjoys bi-partisan support in
> Congress, aims to provide trade, aid and debt relief
> incentives for governments seeking to accelerate economic
> growth. The Clinton Administration has indicated that it will
> be seeking international support for the initiative at the G7
> Denver summit (June 20-22).
>
> II. US recognition of the need to address aid, trade and debt
> problems within an overall strategy is particularly welcome.
> So, too, is the proposed use of investment guarantees to
> mobilize private foreign investment for Africa, which
> currently accounts for less than one percent of global private
> capital flows. More broadly, the US initiative is rooted in a
> recognition that the risks posed by Africa's marginalisation
> are exceptionally high, with deepening poverty and economic
> decline intensifying national and ethnic rivalries,
> contributing to environmental problems, and undermining the
> capacity of governments to provide basic social services. The
> Partnership proposals reflect a long-overdue acknowledgment of
> the fact that the rest of the world will not be immune to the
> consequences of Africa's condition. They also provide an
> opportunity for the G7 countries to develop a coherent
> response to the opportunities for peace and development which
> have emerged in countries such as Mozambique, Ethiopia,
> Eritrea and Uganda, where governments are committed to
> developing greater self-reliance.
>
> III. International action to reverse Africa's marginalization
> and deepening poverty is vital. Over the past two decades
> growth has declined by one percent per year in per capita
> terms, with the result that average living standards in the
> region are fallingfurther behind other developing regions.
> Failure to sustain economic growth has resulted in human
> welfare indicators which are the lowest in the world - and the
> gap is widening. Today, a citizen born in Africa will live ten
> years less than a counterpart born in America, and one in five
> children die before the age of five.
>
> IV. The silent crisis' in Africa's education gives rise to
> particularly serious concern. Over 44 million children are not
> in primary school and the numbers will rise to 50 million by
> the end of the decade. Today, Africa is the only developing
> region in which school attendance rates are declining from
> already low levels. At the same time, the quality of education
> is being eroded by the collapse of public investment. Both
> trends have terrifying consequences for future growth,
> employment creation and poverty reduction. Getting Africa's
> children into school and improving the quality of their
> education is vital if the region's crisis is to be reversed
> and the opportunities created by economic reforms are to be
> grasped.
>
> V. Encouraging as the US initiative may be, it is flawed in a
> number of crucial areas. It will provide support to a small
> cluster of countries regarded by the US as success stories,
> threatening to undermine region-wide initiatives - such as the
> UN's Special Initiative on Africa - which offer a greater hope
> of success. Moreover, the US proposals offer relatively minor
> concessions on trade, mainly in the form of enhanced
> preferences, allied to insignificant additional aid flows. An
> additional problem is that pledges of US support for more
> effective debt relief rest uneasily with the Administration's
> efforts to delay implementation of the IMF-World Bank's Highly
> Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative even for Uganda - a
> country with a long track record in economic reform. Failure
> to address these problems reflects a deeper failure in the US
> initiative. The term Partnership implies dialogue and joint
> action to achieve shared goals. Unfortunately, African
> governments and UN agencies have been conspicuous by their
> absence from the process of dialogue behind the US initiative.
>
> VI. The trade incentives envisaged under the Partnership focus
> on improvements to the US's Generalized System of Preferences,
> with a commitment to reducing tariffs and enlarging product
> coverage to include sensitive items such as textiles. As one
> element in an integrated trade and development strategy,
> enhanced preferences could yield important benefits. However,
> experience under the GSP confirms that African countries have
> been unable to seize existing opportunities because of supply
> side constraints, including high transport costs and poor
> infrastructure. Implementation of the Uruguay Round agreement,
> under which general liberalization and the phasing out of the
> Multifibre Agreement will erode preferences, will have the
> effect of eroding the already limited advantages of
> preferences. Failure to address the deeper structural problems
> associated with Africa's dependence on primary commodities is
> another source of concern in the US proposal.
>
> VII. So, too, is the failure to address the question of
> coherence between aid, trade and debt policies. Subsidized
> agricultural production and export dumping by the US and other
> industrialized countries continues to undermine market
> opportunities for African producers. The same practices result
> in African smallholder producers seeing their markets ruined
> and household incomes decline as a result of cheap imports.
> Even with the rise in agricultural prices in 1996, the OECD
> countries spent the equivalent of $166 billion on agricultural
> subsidies, with the US spending over $7 billion in subsidies
> for cereal producers. Similarly, efforts to promote private
> investment are unlikely to succeed in the absence of an early
> resolution of Africa's debt crisis. Yet the US continues to
> use its influence to delay implementation of debt reduction
> under the IMF-World Bank framework for Highly Indebted Poor
> Countries. Investment opportunities in Africa are further
> eroded by the continued use of tariff and non-tariff barriers
> to restrict market entry in areas such as textiles, leather
> and agriculture. As a group, the G7 countries need to look
> beyond aid to an integrated and coherent strategy for bringing
> their trade policies into line with the objectives set for
> development cooperation.
>
> VIII. The development assistance provisions in the US
> proposals are similarly disappointing. In the past three years
> the US aid budget has been slashed, with spending on
> development declining from 0.15 per cent to 0.10 per cent of
> GNP. Today, the US is at the bottom of the OECD aid list, yet
> the new initiative offers no new aid, even for areas such as
> health and education identified as priorities. Aid quality
> issues are also not addressed. This is not an approach to
> development co-operation which will underpin a successful
> international initiative. Aid is no substitute for good
> policies - but it can help to underpin economic reforms and
> distribute the benefits more widely. In particular, carefully
> targeted aid in areas such as micro-finance and rural
> infrastructure can help poor people to participate in markets
> on more equitable terms. Similarly, investment in health and
> education can help to create an enabling environment, in which
> vulnerable communities are given opportunities. Improving aid
> quality and increasing aid quantity should therefore be a
> major concern for the G7 countries.
>
> IX. Eligibility for support under the US proposals is
> conditional upon countries implementing economic reform
> measures deemed acceptable to the US President. The specific
> policy reforms cited include rapid trade liberalization, the
> withdrawal of trade barriers which protect local agriculture,
> and incentives for investment. In practice, these correspond
> to the economic reforms promoted under structural adjustment
> programs, compliance with which is likely to serve as a litmus
> test for good practice. The problem is that compliance with
> these programmes is associated with slow growth, a poor record
> on investment and, in many cases, failure to protect social
> investment. More flexible approaches are needed which take
> into account the need to reward good practice in improving
> human welfare indicators and which encourage market reforms
> geared towards employment creation and long-term growth.
>
> X. Looking beyond aid, trade and debt, any international
> initiative for Africa must address the challenge of conflict
> prevention. At the international level, action is needed in
> the form of an international arms code to register arms
> transfers and restrict sales to governments which fail to
> respect human rights, and which prioritize military spending
> over basic investments in health, education, water and
> sanitation. Aid transfers should be used as an incentive for
> good practice, providing rewards for governments which
> allocate less than an indicative target of 3 per cent of GDP
> to military spending. More broadly, the G7 governments should
> undertake a commitment to carrying out conflict impact
> assessments aimed at reviewing the implications of economic
> reforms and stabilization programs for social and political
> stability. The OECD's Multi-Donor Review of the genocide in
> Rwanda identified IMF-World Bank programmes as a contributor
> factor to the deterioration in ethnic relations which preceded
> the tragedy. Such mistakes should not be repeated. XI. The
> Denver summit provides a crucial opportunity for the G7
> countries to take the first steps towards the design of a
> coherent strategy for supporting African recovery. The
> architecture for such as strategy could be provided by
> communiqu, commitments to concrete action in nine areas,
> namely:
>
> - accelerated implementation of the HIPC debt initiative, with
> the eligibility period reduced from six years to three years
>
> - incentives for governments, including earlier and deeper
> debt relief, willing to transfer savings from debt into
> priority social spending
>
> - international efforts to address Africa's commodity trade
> problems, including initiatives aimed at controlling supply
> and stabilizing prices
>
> - more effective action under the World Trade Organization's
> Plan of Action for Least Developed countries, including: (i)
> reduction to zero of preferential tariffs and the removal of
> ceilings and quantitative restrictions and imports from Africa
> (ii) increased investment in infrastructure and
> diversification efforts aimed at addressing supply-side
> constraints
>
> - a phased increase in development assistance, allied to
> measures aimed at improving the quality of aid with a view to
> achieving tangible human welfare gains
>
> - a review of the coherence of development cooperation
> policies with trade policies, especially in the areas of
> agricultural and non-tariff barriers on manufactured goods
>
> - the adoption of an international arms code to restrict the
> supply of arms to governments responsible for human rights
> abuse and/or excessive military spending
>
> - increasing to at least 20 percent the share of bilateral
> assistance directed towards education
>
> - increasing to at least 50 percent the share of education
> assistance directed to the primary sector
>
> XII. Progress towards these and other aid quality targets
> should be reviewed at the 1998 summit. So, too, should
> progress towards concrete human welfare outcomes. The OECD's
> Global Partnership for Development has identified a range of
> objectives, including a reduction by one half in the
> proportion of people living in extreme poverty by 2015 and
> universal education in all countries by 2015. As one element
> of a coherent strategy, improved aid quality could contribute
> to the realization of these objectives. Establishing criteria
> for measuring the human welfare benefits of aid to Africa
> would serve the dual purpose of identifying and developing
> good practice, and contribute to the restoration of public
> confidence in aid.
>
> XIII. More broadly, it is vital that any commitments
> undertaken at Denver are acted upon. Too often, vague
> commitments are made and subsequently forgotten, especially in
> matters concerning Africa. Against this background, heads of
> government should commit themselves to reporting back to the
> 1998 Birmingham summit on progress.
>
> END
>
> ************************************************************
> This material is being reposted for wider distribution by the
> Africa Policy Information Center (APIC), the educational
> affiliate of the Washington Office on Africa. APIC's primary
> objective is to widen the policy debate in the United States
> around African issues and the U.S. role in Africa, by
> concentrating on providing accessible policy-relevant
> information and analysis usable by a wide range of groups and
> individuals.
>
> Auto-response addresses for more information (send any e-mail
> message): africapolicy-info@igc.apc.org (about the Africa
> Policy Electronic Distribution List); apic-info@igc.apc.org
> (about APIC); woa-info@igc.apc.org (about WOA). Documents
> previously distributed, as well as the auto-response
> information files, are also available on the Web at:
> http://www.igc.apc.org/apic/index.shtml
>
> To be added to or dropped from the distribution list write to
> apic@igc.apc.org. For more information about material cited
> from another source please contact directly the source
> mentioned in the posting rather than APIC.
>
> For additional information: Africa Policy Information Center,
> 110 Maryland Ave. NE, #509, Washington, DC 20002. Phone:
> 202-546-7961. Fax: 202-546-1545. E-mail: apic@igc.apc.org.
> ************************************************************
>
>
--------------52E24B2E335AFFA577F975E6--
------------------------------
Date: 18 Jun 1997 09:03:01 +0200
From: "Jobarteh, Momodou" <Momodou.Jobarteh@hordaland.vegvesen.telemax.no>
To: "Gambia-L -Internet... ." <Gambia-l@u.washington.edu> (Return requested)
Subject: FWD:Computer & Internet company in The G
Message-ID: <0394933A78825015*/c=no/admd=telemax/prmd=vegvesen/o=hordaland/s=Jobarteh/g=Momodou/@MHS>
Content-Identifier: 0394933A78825015
Content-Return: Allowed
MIME-Version: 1.0
Dear Gambia-L members.
We would like to inform you that there is started a local Computer &
Internet company in The Gambia.
Our company name is Commit enterprises Ltd.
Below are information on the network services we offer our Gambian
customers.
If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact us
on e-mail:
tgr@commit.gm
or use the address at the end of the mail.
INFORMATION ABOUT THE COMMIT E-MAIL SYSTEM:
Introduction
Commit Enterprises Ltd. is a Gambian shareholders company, owned by
Norwegian and Gambian individuals. Commit is run and staffed by Norwegians
Joern and Torstein Grotnes, permanent residents of The Gambia. The company
is not depending on or cooperating with foreign companies or interests.
Commit was established the 1. of April 1997 after more than a year of
preparations, and have since then set up residence and working offices in
Fajara.
The objectives of the company
1) To set up, enhance and maintain an internal network structure in the
Gambia, using available communication lines to link his network with
the
rest of the world.
2) To make the technology available to as many people as possible, by
offering an uncomplicated service at a low monthly charge. Since the
Commit Net node performs the necessary international transfers it also
prevents the potentially costly mistakes a non-technical user might
make.
3) To be a computer and communications company providing sales, support,
development, training and repairs both in hardware and software. Our
main
emphasis is on PC equipment and 32-bit Windows software.
The Commit Network
Currently the Commit Net consists of one node with 8 telephone lines with
local access and an E-mail gateway to the Internet exchanging messages
every hour. We hope this will give sufficient speed for users in exchanging
international mail.
The node is already dimensioned for 32 lines, and can be further expanded
up to 64 telephone lines. Backup power by means of UPS (uninterruptible
power supplies) and an automatic standby generator ensures 24 hour access
to the system.
We would like to link up our network with any other Gambian networking
systems willing to do so, as the value of the network will be higher the
more information and users that can connect to it.
The E-mail service
The E-mail and country network service is offered at a flat rate of D200
per month to normal customers. Special prices will be offered to schools,
students and in certain other cases. Advanced usage like connecting a
number of users on a LAN to the Commit Net can be offered by special
agreement.
Currently, the service limits the size of international electronic mails to
64 000 characters per mail. If a customer needs larger sizes this can be
arranged, but due to the limited bandwidth available today large scale data
transfer is not possible. The number of mails per month is not limited for
normal users.
Since the Commit Net node is in the country, all local mail will be
instantaneous and there is no limits on such mail. The usage of the node as
a country LAN is encouraged.
If required, we will install the access software and make sure it is
running well for new users. The software and initial installation is free
of charge.
World Wide Web browsing (WWW)
Because of the low international bandwidth we do not offer Web browsing
outside of The Gambia. The current digital service is not fast enough for
any serious use of such services. As soon as higher speed links become
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encourage all our customers to contribute information to be made available
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from their experience from using the service and by their information
becoming available for millions of users all over the world.
Our commitment
Commit accepts the responsibility for delivering e-mail messages quickly
and reliably to and from its customers in The Gambia.
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System requirements for subscribers
To connect to our system we recommend minimum a 486 PC (or equivalent
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A modem is required, any speed down to 2400 bps can be used for the E-mail
service. We recommend at least 14400 bps, and even higher is preferable if
downloading software or the Web browsing feature is to be used.
For users who do not have modems we offer good quality Microcom 33600 bps
modems.
Trusted users can rent modems for an monthly charge of D100, while the
purchase price for these modems for a subscriber is D2000.
Details about subscribing
Commit is the official administrator of the Gambia country domain GM, so
that when you subscribe to our services you will be internationally
registered with a genuine Gambian E-mail address.
The address for the Commit database mainpage is: http://www.commit.gm(not
available outside The Gambia.)
There is also a FTP (file transfer protocol) site at ftp.commit.gm (not
available outside The Gambia) where the users
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If you would like to make inquiries on subscriptions, please contact us by
one of these methods:
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e-mail: tgr@commit.gm
Fax: +220 375890
for more information.
Note: During June and July 1997 Commit offers two free test weeks for new
subscribers. If you decide not to continue using the service after two
weeks, no charges will incur.
Please note also that the database and the ftp service is under
construction. All software is virus-checked, but Commit Enterprises Ltd.
takes no responsibility for the use of free software.
By 16 June 1997 the following people in The Gambia have accounts on the
Commit Network:
Mr.Theo George, editor of the Observer daily paper
address: george@commit.gm
Mr.Aki Allen, Manager of Gambia Electrical Company (GEC)
address: allen@commit.gm
Mr.Kofi Adamper, Principal & Manager of Standard Training Systems (STS)
address: adamper@commit.gm
Mr.Hermann Boehler, assistant Director of SOS Children Village
address: sos@commit.gm
Mr.Joseph Cann, Manager, Computersection of ITS Gambia
address: cann@commit.gm
Mr.Charles Dixon, Ass.Manager, Computersection of ITS Gambia
address: dixon@commit.gm
ITS Gambia, agents for Dell & Fujitsu-ICL and importers of Food/Beverages
address: itsgam@commit.gm
Mr.Momodou Njie, Computer Supervisor of the Elf-Gambia Company
address: elf@commit.gm
Mr.Aboubakarr Nimaga Ceesay, daily Manager of the Senegambia hotel
address: sengam@commit.gm
Dr.Essombe, Director of Organisation of African Unity (OAU)
address: essombe@commit.gm
YMCA Gambia,
address: ymca@commit.gm
Regards,
Torstein Grotnes
Manager & Secretary
Commit Enterprises Ltd.
6 fajara M-section, PMB 717, Serrekunda, The Gambia, WA
E-mail: tgr@commit.gm phone: 392667 Fax: 375890
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 10:31:44 +0200
From: momodou.camara@post3.tele.dk (Camara, Momodou)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: New members
Message-ID: <19970618093352.AAD38864@LOCALNAME>
Gambia-l,
Paul Bariteau has been added to the list. Welcome to
the Gambia-l, we look forward to your contributions. Please send a
brief introduction to: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Regards
Momodou Camara
NB. Torstein and Mr. T. George are also back with us.
*******************************************************
http://home3.inet.tele.dk/mcamara
**"Start by doing what's necessary, then what's
possible and suddenly you are doing the impossible"***
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 10:56:41 +0200
From: =?iso-8859-1?Q?Asbj=F8rn_Nordam?= <asbjorn.nordam@dif.dk>
To: "'gambia'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: connextions to the Gambia
Message-ID: <c=DK%a=_%p=DIF%l=DKDIFS02-970618085641Z-2985@dkdifs02.dif.dk>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
WOW !! Congratulation to the Gambia and the Grotnes-brothers, who has
now made it possible to connect us to more people in the Gambia. This is
really a break throuth. Now we can provide institutions with relevant
computors and modems. Now I turn to the group on Gambia-L, who is
dealing with support for Gambia education.
If Musa Sowe, who I remember was the person, who tried to get contact to
The Gambia College through Vice-principal Dr. bojang, once again could
get in contact to the institute, and tell them about the possibilities
to get this computor-connextion, I will gladly sign a "contract" of
paying the subscription to "Commit enterprises Ltd". for the
connextion, for instance the next one or two years. If the institute
find it worth while and are interested. I understood that their
computers were OK, so it=B4s only a question on modem, and of course the
telephone-bills ! And if Gambia TTI also should be interested in comming
on the system, I would also pay the subscription for them too. Who in
the Gambia can contact the two institutions, discuss the possibilities
with the heads of the institutions, set up rulels and regulations,
inform the students ect. ? To me it can not go fast enough. Who can give
good advises, and what will we do ? Or am I wrong on this !? Help and
advises is needed. I havve the good will, I don=B4t know much about all
this, but I can see the possibilities. What do you recommend to do ?
Asbj=F8rn Nordam
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 10:59:23 +0200
From: "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
To: <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Message-ID: <199706180916.LAA04153@d1o2.telia.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Mr. Njie,
one of the merits of dialogue conducted in a democratic forum is to agree
to disagree. This will at least open up possibilities to deal with other
matters which remain points of contention.
I for one do not know of any other pop band anywhere that palyed music in
so many different langauges and musical traditions. That the Ifang Bondi
succumbed to outside competition rather than their own inter-disciplinary
failings perhaps is a matter of opinion. Yet that is infact not the point.
I used the Ifang Bondi to illustrate my previous position that it is
possible to invent, to create something that Gambians can identify as
particularly Gambian - to help us gradually to retreat from our often ver=
y
strong ethnic consciousness. A consciousness that has proved to be the ba=
ne
of most African societies. A national consciousness, fosters the growth =
of
a national identity, which is a prerequisite for patriotism, anywhere. O=
f
course criminals, and corrupt bureaucrats exist everywhere, but I should
insist that the dimensions of corrupt practices, the fact that it concern=
s
sums=20
that measures very significantly to national budgets, and retards
development efforts throughout the continent is a feature not found in th=
e
U.K or Japan or the U.S! Yet inspite of that, corruption does not arouse
the kind of public indignation that one would expect elsewhere. I believe=
,
like many political analysts do (such as Ali Mazrui and Richard Sandbrook
for instance) that this is because the people do not feel that the
government belongs to them. So if one does not take of its property, one =
is
infact considered a fool. That is the mentality that i think we must
combat. You say the growth of a national identity is a thing which the
people themselves are best placed to bring about. Unless you qualify that
statement, I should say that the Ifang Bondi were also part of the people=
?=20
I stated something to the effect
that we ought to make a critical assesssment of both our cultural values
and traditional practices on the one hand, and the effects of Western
education on the other, and thereafter determine for ourselves the kind o=
f
lives we want to live for. I made neither a glorification of Africa's pas=
t
nor an outright condemnation of Western education per se. On the other ha=
nd
I lament the severe effects western education has on our mental
dispositions. The mental order we acquired (largely due to this education=
al
systems) insists that it is Africa that must adjust to a level that is se=
en
as the standard for mankind, rather than foreign values being gradually
tailored to fit the African condition. I want to believe that political
instabilty, ethnic conflict, corruption and other seemingly intractable
African
problems are indicative of Africa's refusal to be forcefully co-opted int=
o
foreign systems. Given that most Africans lived in acephalous (stateless)
societies it is obvious that the Western state and its institutions are
culturally illegitimate.=20
Finally, the importance of the National Consultative Committee is natural=
ly
open to
different interpretations. But in our GAMBIAN context I should make a ver=
y
very clear distinction between the weight of this Yahya Jammeh-created
committee that was to promptly determine the destiny of the nation, and
the ritual of casting meaningless ballots which have notoriously been
exchangeable for the cost of a bowl of rice. The one, a method of direct
democracy, charged with seriousness and meaning - the state thus gaining
instant legitimacy (WITHOUT ANY FOREIGN MODEL BEING IMPLANTED, THE
COMMITEE ASKED THEM TO "TAKE REAL POWER NOW, BE IN SOLE CHARGE OF YOUR
DESTINY"); the other shrouded in remoteness, fraud, improper
registration of voters, political caricaturing, ethnic rivalvry - the
people just play along in a very "serious" game that comes about every fi=
ve
years. And this Mr. Njie, is the core of my entire argumentation in these
humble contributions:=20
INSPITE OF YOUR BEING THERE, AND INSPITE OF YOUR EDUCATION (OR BECAUSE OF
IT - I.E THE WAY YOU ARE TRAINED TO THINK) YOU COULD NOT SEE THE DIFFEREN=
CE
BETWEEN MAKING A CHOICE BY CASTING A BALLOT (FOR MANY AFRICANS, JUST SILL=
Y
LITTLE STONES), AND MAKING A CHOICE BY PHYSICALLY AND PSYCHOLOGICALLY
EMPOWERING THE PEOPLE DIRECTLY. FOR YOU THESE ARE EXACTLY ONE AND THE SA=
ME
THING. BUT FOR THE PEASANTS THEY ARE ENTIRELY DIFFERENT. THEY HAVE SAID
THAT IT WAS THE FIRST TIME THAT "ANYONE ASKED THEM OF THEIR OPINION". THA=
T
IS A DOCUMENTED FACT.
OUR PROBLEM IS NOT JUST A LINGUISTIC DEFICIENCY BUT TO BE ABLE TO THINK
DIFFERENTLY AFTER SO MANY YEARS OF BEING TRAINED TO THINK IN A PARTICULAR
MANNER. WHEN I SAID MARY I DID NOT MEAN MARY - JUST LIKE FATOU, A NAME. I
MEANT THAT FROM THAT DAY ONWARDS WE UNDERGO A SERIOUS PROCESS OF MENTAL
COLONISATION WITHOUT BEING PARTICULARLY AWARE OF IT.=20
With my sincere respects,
Momodou Sidibeh.
----------
Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
=C4mne: Re: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et a=
l..
Datum: den 17 juni 1997 14:17
I might have read Mr Sidibeh's contribution, and the reason =20
why I did not respond was probably that, on balance, I agreed =
=20
with what he said. It was when someone suggested that Africans =
=20
do not have a cultural identity that I saw the need to do =20
so, and addressed that person in particular. It is not my =20
intention for this discussion to become 'unfocused, narrow and =20
jejune' as this will not be very helpful. This is not =20
supposed to be a mud-slinging match, but humble contributions =20
to issues that are of overwhelming importance to us. It is =20
only by exchanging ideas that we learn from one another and =20
hopefully devise the best way forward for our country.
When I said that the use of 'unique' was a bit of an =20
exaggeration, I was by no means accusing Mr Sidibeh of wishful =
=20
thinking. It was simply a note of caution that when such a =20
word is used, it means none of its kind exists. At least, =20
that is my understanding. I cannot think of any aspect of =20
Gambian culture that does not exist elsewhere. The wording of =20
the sentence referred to ('It does not mean that any of the =20
unique cultural features of the different national groups should =
=20
be abandoned...') does not appear to be a suggestion.
The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or =20
were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past =20
trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day, =20
the group received a largely negative response from the people. =
=20
It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though =20
not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music =20
should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a =20
different type of music. The question here is, do you impose =20
on the people what you think is good, or do the people =20
decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi, =20
that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their =20
music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than =20
did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a =20
"language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that =20
Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long =20
way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it =20
is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring that =
=20
about.
It is wrong for government officials, whether in Japan, the =20
U.K., the U.S. or The Gambia to engage in corrupt practices, =20
but how a NATIONAL IDENTITY can put a stop to such practices =20
is not clear. There are good and bad people everywhere. The =20
easiest way for people to understand that the government =20
belongs to them is to explain to them how governments work. =20
For example, the importance of their votes, what happens to =20
their products and the taxes they pay. This in my view is a =20
more practical and effective way to combat corruption than try =20
to create a NATIONAL IDENTITY, the success of which is, at =20
best, uncertain.
I was in The Gambia when the Consultative Committee was set =
=20
up, and it was a commendable gesture. But to suggest that =20
'For the first time in their lives rrepresentatives of the =20
state asked them for their opinion on a nationally important =20
matter' is to ignore the fact that Gambians had been going to =
=20
the polls before to, I suppose, express their opinion as to =20
the type of government or Head of State they wanted. They =20
might have made the wrong decisions, but ultimately they were =20
responsible for the type of government they had.
I am by no means proposing the wholesale adoption of =20
Westminster-type constituions. I do not think the U.K is a =20
hugely more democratic country than The Gambia. However, I =20
believe that the people should have the power to remove a =20
government or an M.P at any time, if they are not satisfied =20
with the way things are going. The fact that certain aspects =20
of such constitutions did not grow organically from our =20
political systems does not render them any less useful or =20
practical. Western education did not grow organically from our =20
cultural systems, but we find it useful in many ways. We live =
=20
in global village and should always have an open mind towards =20
other people's experiences that we can use to our advantage. =20
In Africa, our political systems were not always characterised =20
by dialogue and reaching consensus, but also by internecine =20
conflict. What we have to do is to retain the still workable =20
aspects of the old political systems and blend them with other =
=20
systems around the world that we feel can work in our =20
situation.
Mr Sidibeh and I do not seem to disagree about the importance =
=20
of education in changing people's attitudes and beliefs. I am =20
also heartened by the fact that the African leaders he named =20
all received formal education, a prerequisite for any leader =20
in the modern world. The Arabs played an important part in =20
ancient African politics because they could read and write. The =
=20
problem is not so much the type of education as what one =20
does with it. It is unfortunate that many African leaders =20
failed their people's, but it is gratifying to note that Africa =
=20
had and still has other western educated leaders with a =20
different political outlook, including Lumumba, Mandela, Mugabe, =20
Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sankara, Senghor, and Toure.
In my intial response, it was never suggested that Mr =20
Sidibeh was trying to impose HIS values on people. I am sorry =
=20
if I created that impression. What I was trying to say is =20
that those people who have received western education, including =
=20
myself, should not assume that they have THE answers, as this =20
might alienate us from the people we so desperately want to =20
serve. I am quite aware of the shortcomings of western =20
education; otherwise I would not have suggested that we should =20
make it more suited to our needs. In doing this hopefully we =20
would look into the legal, political, social and economic =20
systems affecting us. I would not have any difficulty retaining =
=20
'Mary, Mary come here'. 'Mary' is after all a Gambian name, =20
just like Mariam, Mariama Marie.
However, I would advocate for a type of education that =20
enhances our self-confidence, a type of educatipon that does =20
not blindly glorify the past, and a type of education that =20
would go a long way in bringing back the self-sufficient =20
economy we used to have before the advent of colonialism. The =20
'poor farmers' would play a leading role in this regard =20
because they are the least dependent on foreign assistance.
I quite agree that we are in many ways the problem of the =
=20
solution. But I also believe that through dialogue and =20
tolerance of one another's views we can map out a =20
comprehensive strategy as to the best way forward. If this is =20
jejune, so be it.
Thanks for your time.
MOMODOU
On Mon, 16 Jun 1997, Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> Mr. Njie,
> Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this discussio=
n
> may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?)
had
> previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political an=
d
> economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
> relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
> suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, inter
> alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a
very
> big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
> democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned are
> mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting
points.
> So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological
point
> of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour o=
f
a
> people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
> =20
> On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific
ethnic
> entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
> Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim that
> there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
> altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the 70=
s
> played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
> languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only t=
he
> songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups. B=
y
> any international standards, their performance was unique. Their music
was
> truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
> geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with
pride
> identify herself with them. The political implications here are
tremendous:
> If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience, tha=
t=20
> all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
> enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much easi=
er
> for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to u=
s,
> and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS
COUNTRY
> CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKAS,
OR
> THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
> DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively
combatting
> corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhance
> progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask "whos=
e
> progress"]=20
> ----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful
thinking,
> but it is not.=20
> One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was to
set
> up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that was
to
> solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD followi=
ng
> the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both men
and
> women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVES
> REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
> NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THAT
THEY
> MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE IN
> THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how man=
y
> hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor farmer=
s
> do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles, wave=
s
of
> coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
> government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
> Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our
political
> systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the governmen=
ts
> and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the
need
> for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively involvin=
g
> them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
> I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's
mentality.
> You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
> Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni,
> Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope by
> education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal schoolin=
g
-
> Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu,
> Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have all
> been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to impos=
e
> any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called educat=
ed
> Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very
marginalised
> Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal systems,
> constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are infac=
t
> not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first day
in
> primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may be
part
> of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
> problems.=20
> THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
> Sidibeh.
>=20
>=20
> =20
> Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> =C4mne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
>=20
> It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as oppose=
d=20
> to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this woul=
d=20
> be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices =20
> can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can =20
> change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can =20
> make our education system more suited to other needs.
>=20
> However, those aspects referred to, not without some =20
> exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create =20
> problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or =20
> policemen, telling the people what they should or should not =20
> do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will =20
> necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection. =20
> Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessment=
=20
> in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being don=
e=20
> is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been =20
> taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many =20
> cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared. =20
> Education is the best means of ensuring that people make =20
> informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than =20
> attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the day=
,=20
> effective change can only come about if the people accept it.=
=20
> For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as =20
> such by the people for whom it is intended.
>=20
> The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of female=
=20
> circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in how=
=20
> not to go about changing cultural practices.
>=20
>=20
> On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,=20
> Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
>=20
> > Malanding, and M. Njie,
> > Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and
start
> > appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a
polyphony
> > of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce such
> > exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique cultura=
l
> > features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but
rather
> > each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a blend
> whose
> > power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the object
of
> my
> > saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this is
> > exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
> chaotic.
> > I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou
seemed
> to
> > suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing and
> making
> > a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as traditions
are
> > largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that we
may
> > define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want to
> live
> > for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in our
own
> > history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst for
> > education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here a=
nd
> now
> > expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of i=
t
> that
> > falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
> outlook)
> > should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - it =
is
> not
> > just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative cre=
ed
> > useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> > advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].=20
> > Sidibeh.
> > =20
> >=20
> > ----------
> > > Fr=E5n: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > > =C4mne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
> > > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> > >=20
> > > Momodou,
> > > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> > >=20
> > >=20
> > > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
> Every
> > > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:what
is
> > > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
> cherished
> > > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups)
must
> be
> > > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
> consequences?
> > > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop,
and
> > > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst fo=
r
> > > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage
savings
> > > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to finan=
ce
> > > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> > instanc....
> > >=20
> > > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's reall=
y
> > possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
> country's
> > are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> > individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> > Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case of
the
> > Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a diver=
se
> > 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones self
> with.
> > =20
> > >=20
> > > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> > generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do not
> think
> > that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> > cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value syste=
ms
> > tend to be different.=20
> > >=20
> > > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > > learning in largely non-literate societies?...=20
> > > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more w=
e
> > learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people than
> ever
> > before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I wa=
s
> > going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who is
> useful
> > at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves
sent
> to
> > school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> > >=20
> > > Malanding
> >=20
> ----------
>=20
>=20
----------
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 18 Jun 1996 19:22:32 +0900 (JST)
From: binta@iuj.ac.jp
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <199706181016.TAA17655@mlsv.iuj.ac.jp>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII
Gambia-l, Mr. Sidibeh and Mr. Njie,
I have changed the subject of this discussion to reflect what is being
discussed and not what happens to Mobutu!
Sidibeh wrote, 'The mental order we acquired (largely due to this educational
systems) insists that it is Africa that must adjust to a level that is seen
as the standard for mankind, rather than foreign values being gradually
tailored to fit the African condition. I want to believe that political
instabilty, ethnic conflict, corruption and other seemingly intractable
African problems are indicative of Africa's refusal to be forcefully co-opted
into foreign systems.'
True, we have adopted (or have been forced to adopt) foreign values in
education and even our social life, but do we have an option? when our
forefathers failed to develop scripts for most of our languages, or when
those who came after them failed to revive those scripts, we have no
option but toe the line of outsiders. Sad it may be, the fault is ours.
Like us, India and many other countries were colonised but they still
retain their scripts and can boast of them. Mr. Sidibeh, i find it
difficult to follow the logic in the above quoted words of yours. Do you
mean to say that all these killings, maimings, and selfish agenda perpetrated
by our so-called leaders are signs of a rejection of foreign education etc
transplants? I completely disagree with you on that. The reality of the
situation is that our so-called communalism is shrouded in greed and
individualitism. Our problems have little to do with the education we
receive or the adoption of foreign values. We have lost our cultural
values because we see them as inferior, and at worst uncouth! We simply
abandoned all that we once cherished. It is not the same situation
in Asia where adherence to Asian values is uppermost in the minds of
Asians. Needless to say, while Chinese people in the diaspora all speak
Chinese, our people who migrated to Europe and America just 15 years ago
discourage their offsprings from speaking their native languages for fear that
these youngsters will have an accent to their english or what have you! That
simply epitomises the Gambian or the African. Africa's troubles are the
makings of the Africans themselves to a large extent. Our failure to
appreciate or own culture is now hurting us. These days it is not difficult
to hear others say that Africans have no culture. And I find it difficult to
defend my position when I cannot sing African songs, cannot tell those good
stories my granny used to tell me; when our school system teaches us Medieval
history, French and American revolutions and so on with only passing reference
to African empires, i point the finger at you and I.
Ifang Bondi was truly a symbol many of us could associate with, but for reasons
given above, we rejected the symbol. The thinking, to my mind, is that Ifang Bondi
is gambian and therefore worth little. On the more large scale, African values are
worth little because they are African! we cannot appreciate our values because we
hate being what we are. Yes, we may have been brain-washed, but why must that
continue? If we think we know the problem, what stops us from remedying the
situation? it has always been said that we lack the ability to manage and
organise our activities, and that is what is being manifested everywhere on the
continent. Ask us to criticise and we will do it; ask us to find solutions and
we will do it; man, ask us to implement those soultions and we falter! A simple
overlooked example of how we cannot manage is evident in soccer! With all the
soccer talents on the continent and with all the good national teams we have, how
many are coached by Africans? A naive question, yet one with thought-provoking
ramifications. (To be continued).
Lamin Drammeh.
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 12:34:06 +0100
From: Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: FWD:Computer & Internet company in The G
Message-ID: <2.2.32.19970618113406.006eaae4@golf.uib.no>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Commit Enterprises Ltd.,
CONGRATS AND GOOD LUCK!!!
All the best of wishes,
::)))Abdou Oujimai
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 12:35:29 +0000
From: "M'BAI OF" <O.F.M'Bai@icsl.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: RE: MR.NBAYE!
Message-ID: <199706181120.MAA23831@netmail.city.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT
YOU GIVE CREDIT TO THOSE THAT CREDIT IS DUE , AND THAT IS MOST
CERTAINLY NOT YOU . HAD IT NOT BEING FOR THE PROMISE I MADE TO MY
COUSIN TAMSIR , I WOULD'VE REPLIED YOU AND TELL YOU EXACTLY WHAT I THINK
OF YOU . ON ANOTHER LEVEL IT IS WORTHLESS ARGUING WITH A MORON .
GAMBIA-L PLEASE UNSUBSCRIBE ME , I BELIEVE THAT SOMEONE LIKE THIS
BASS HAS MADE THIS NETWORK A BIG JOKE AND HAS FAILED TO PROMOTE THE
OBJECTIVES OF THE SAID NET . THANK FOR HAVING ME AND ALL THE BEST TO
THE REST OF MY COLLEAGUES . WHAT IS POWER WITHOUT CONTROL . A LEADER
WITH NO SENSE OF DIRECTION IS NO GOOD LEADER AND THAT IS WHAT THIS
SELF-RIGHTEOUS BASS IS . SEE YOU IN CASUALTY , MR. PERFECT
INCONSIDERATE BASS . DON'T BOTHER TO REPLY BECAUSE I HAVEN'T GOT TIME
TO READ YOUR FOOLISH AND CHILDISH MESSAGES . DELETE TOUTE-SUITE !!!
EXCUSE ME LIST MEMBERS .
M'BAI OMAR F
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 08:12:12 -0400
From: Ceesay Soffie <Ceesay_Soffie@ems.prc.com>
To: "'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: FW: Kids Quotes on love
Message-ID: <C69DB1B2BFFBCF11B5D3000000000001012BE5@Cry1.prc.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain;
charset="iso-8859-1"
> Subject: Kids Quotes on love
>
>
>
> WHAT IS THE PROPER AGE TO GET MARRIED?
> * "Eighty-four! Because at that age, you don't have to work anymore,
> and you can spend all
> your time loving each other in your bedroom." (Judy, 8)
> * "Once I'm done with kindergarten, I'm going to find me a wife!"
> (Tom, 5)
>
> WHAT DO MOST PEOPLE DO ON A DATE?
> * "On the first date, they just tell each other lies, and that usually
>
> gets them interested
> enough to go for the second date." (Mike, 10)
>
>
> WHEN IS IT OKAY TO KISS SOMEONE?
> * "You should never kiss a girl unless you have enough bucks to buy
> her
> a big ring and her
> own VCR, because she'll want to have videos of the wedding." (Jim,
> 10)
> * "Never kiss in front of other people. It's a big embarrassing thing
>
> if anybody sees you.
> But if nobody sees you, I might be willing to try it with a handsome
> boy, but just for a
> few hours." (Kelly, 9)
> * "It's never okay to kiss a boy. They always slobber all over you...
>
> That's why I stopped doing it." (Jean, 10)
>
> THE GREAT DEBATE: IS IT BETTER TO BE SINGLE OR MARRIED?
> * "It's better for girls to be single but not for boys. Boys need
> somebody to clean up
> after them!" (Lynette, 9)
> * "It gives me a headache to think about that stuff. I'm just a kid.
> I
> don't need that
> kind of trouble." (Kenny, 7)
>
>
> WHY LOVE HAPPENS BETWEEN TWO PARTICULAR PEOPLE?
> * "No one is sure why it happens, but I heard it has something to do
> with how you smell.
> That's why perfume and deodorant are so popular." (Jan, 9)
> * "I think you're supposed to get shot with an arrow or something, but
>
> the rest of it isn't
> supposed to be so painful." (Harlen, 8)
>
>
> WHAT IS LIKE TO FALL IN LOVE?
> * "Like an avalanche where you have to run for your life." (Roger,
> 9)
> * "If falling in love is anything like learning how to spell, I don't
> want to do it. It
> takes too long." (Leo, 7)
>
>
> ON THE ROLE OF GOOD LOOKS IN LOVE
> * "If you want to be loved by somebody who isn't already in your
> family,
> it doesn't hurt to
> be beautiful." (Jeanne, 8)
> * "It isn't always just how you look. Look at me. I'm handsome like
> anything and I
> haven't got anybody to marry me yet." (Gary, 7)
> * "Beauty is skin deep. But how rich you are can last a long time."
> (Christine, 9)
>
> WHY DO LOVERS OFTEN HOLD HANDS?
> * "They want to make sure their rings don't fall off because they paid
>
> good money for
> them." (Dave, 8)
>
>
> CONFIDENTIAL OPINIONS ABOUT LOVE
> * "I'm in favor of love as long as it doesn't happen when 'The
> Simpsons'
> is on television."
> (Anita, 6)
> * "Love will find you, even if you are trying to hide from it. I have
>
> been trying to hide
> from it since I was five, but the girls keep finding me." (Bobby, 8)
>
> * "I'm not rushing into being in love. I'm finding fourth grade hard
> enough." (Regina,
> 10)
>
>
> WHAT PERSONAL QUALITIES ARE NECESSARY TO BE A GOOD LOVER?
> * "One of you should know how to write a check. Because, even if you
> have tons of love,
> there is still going to be a lot of bills." (Ava, 8)
>
>
> SOME SUREFIRE WAYS TO MAKE A PERSON FALL IN LOVE WITH YOU
> * "Tell them that you own a whole bunch of candy stores." (Del, 6)
> * "Don't do things like have smelly, green sneakers. You might get
> attention, but
> attention ain't the same thing as love." (Alonzo, 9)
> * "One way is to take the girl out to eat. Make sure it's something
> she
> likes to eat.
> French fries usually works for me." (Bart, 9)
>
>
> HOW CAN YOU TELL IF TWO ADULTS EATING DINNER AT A RESTAURANT ARE IN
> LOVE?
> * "Just see if the man picks up the check. That's how you can tell if
>
> he's in love."
> (John, 9)
> * "Lovers will just be staring at each other and their food will get
> cold. Other people
> care more about the food." (Brad, 8)
> * "It's love if they order one of those desserts that are on fire.
> They
> like to order
> those because it's just like how their hearts are on fire."
> (Christine,
> 9)
>
>
> WHAT MOST PEOPLE ARE THINKING WHEN THEY SAY "I LOVE YOU"?
> * "The person is thinking: Yeah, I really do love him. But I hope he
>
> showers at least
> once a day." (Michelle, 9)
>
>
> HOW DOES A PERSON LEARNS TO KISS?
> * "You learn it right on the spot when the gooshy feelings get the
> best
> of you." (Doug,
> 7)
>
>
> HOW CAN YOU MAKE LOVE ENDURE?
> * "Spend most of your time loving instead of going to work." (Tom,
> 7)
> * "Don't forget your wife's name. That will mess up the love."
> (Roger, 8)
> * "Be a good kisser. It might make your wife forget that you never
> take
> out the trash."
> (Randy, 8)
> ---------------------------------- Forwarded
> ----------------------------------
> From: Jay Mundey
> Date: 6/6/97 12:01PM
> To: Monica Evans
> To: Marcus Johnson
> To: Diane Gross
> To: Michael Brown
> Subject: Kids Quotes on love
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> ---------
>
>
>
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 15:35:31 +0100
From: Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et
al..
Message-ID: <2.2.32.19970618143531.00709e18@golf.uib.no>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Messrs Sidibeh and Njie,
Please allow me to make a few observations on your interesting contributions.
Mr. Njie wrote:
".....The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or
were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past
trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day,
the group received a largely negative response from the people.
It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though
not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music
should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a
different type of music. The question here is, do you impose
on the people what you think is good, or do the people
decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi,
that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their
music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than
did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a
"language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that
Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long
way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it
is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring that
about...."
In my opinion, the question here is not a collective rejection of what one
(Ifang, for this matter) "imposes" on the people. The fact of the matter is
there seem to be a lack of patriotism within many Gambians. We cherish
anything foreign and fail to appreciate the value of anything Gambian. Many
Gambians would rather fill the Independence Stadium on a Youssou Ndure, Kine
Lam, Lemsoh or Thione Seck show or dance costing D150 than attend a Musa
Ngum, Ifang, Mam Tamsir, Jaliba Kuyateh or Gellewar show or dance costing
D75. Many Gambians would choose a pair of trousers, costing 50 Norwegian
Kroners (an equivalent of D75) bought in Norway instead of one costing D150
bought in Gambia. Mark me, It is not a question of quality but that of
complex. This is the simple reason why Ifang was not appreciated in Gambia.
The kind of music has nothing to do with it. Oko Drammeh may help us out in
this - Senegalese bands, before Ifang introduced their "afro-manding"
(comprising instruments like the sabarr, ballafong, bukarabb, rittie etc.),
where playing Latino influenced music (or what we call "pachanga") like that
of Johnny Pachico. The "Ndaga" and/or later "Mbalax" (comprising of sabarr,
xalam, tamma, etc.) are all influences of Ifang's "Afro-manding". So,
basically people did not just dislike Ifang's music but merely failed to
cherish their own. Is it a lack of "national identity" or lack of
patriotism??????????? Ifang and other Gambian musicians were or are trying
to provide us with a degree of national identity, music wise, at least. They
did not fail the public but the other way round.
Respectfully,
::)))Abdou Oujimai
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 15:11:30 +0100 (BST)
From: "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Cc: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al..
Message-ID: <Pine.HPP.3.91.970618150625.2283A-100000@whale.students.stir.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
If you lack patriotism and cherish things foreign, are you
not in the process rejecting your own? I didn't see the need
to elaborate as you have done, but we are basically saying
the same thing. Please look at the context in which the word
'impose' is used.
Regards,
Momodou
On Wed, 18 Jun 1997, Abdou Gibba wrote:
> Messrs Sidibeh and Njie,
>
> Please allow me to make a few observations on your interesting contributions.
> Mr. Njie wrote:
>
>
>
> ".....The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or
> were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past
> trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day,
> the group received a largely negative response from the people.
> It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though
> not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music
> should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a
> different type of music. The question here is, do you impose
> on the people what you think is good, or do the people
> decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi,
> that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their
> music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than
> did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a
> "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that
> Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long
> way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it
> is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring that
> about...."
>
> In my opinion, the question here is not a collective rejection of what one
> (Ifang, for this matter) "imposes" on the people. The fact of the matter is
> there seem to be a lack of patriotism within many Gambians. We cherish
> anything foreign and fail to appreciate the value of anything Gambian. Many
> Gambians would rather fill the Independence Stadium on a Youssou Ndure, Kine
> Lam, Lemsoh or Thione Seck show or dance costing D150 than attend a Musa
> Ngum, Ifang, Mam Tamsir, Jaliba Kuyateh or Gellewar show or dance costing
> D75. Many Gambians would choose a pair of trousers, costing 50 Norwegian
> Kroners (an equivalent of D75) bought in Norway instead of one costing D150
> bought in Gambia. Mark me, It is not a question of quality but that of
> complex. This is the simple reason why Ifang was not appreciated in Gambia.
> The kind of music has nothing to do with it. Oko Drammeh may help us out in
> this - Senegalese bands, before Ifang introduced their "afro-manding"
> (comprising instruments like the sabarr, ballafong, bukarabb, rittie etc.),
> where playing Latino influenced music (or what we call "pachanga") like that
> of Johnny Pachico. The "Ndaga" and/or later "Mbalax" (comprising of sabarr,
> xalam, tamma, etc.) are all influences of Ifang's "Afro-manding". So,
> basically people did not just dislike Ifang's music but merely failed to
> cherish their own. Is it a lack of "national identity" or lack of
> patriotism??????????? Ifang and other Gambian musicians were or are trying
> to provide us with a degree of national identity, music wise, at least. They
> did not fail the public but the other way round.
>
> Respectfully,
> ::)))Abdou Oujimai
>
>
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 16:14:34 +0200
From: momodou.camara@post3.tele.dk (Camara, Momodou)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: RE: MR.NBAYE!
Message-ID: <19970618151644.AAC49202@LOCALNAME>
On 18 Jun 97 at 12:35, M'BAI OF wrote:
>
> GAMBIA-L PLEASE UNSUBSCRIBE ME
>
> M'BAI OMAR F
Omar M'bai has been deleted from the list.
Momodou Camara
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 17:44:25 +0100 (BST)
From: "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Cc: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
Message-ID: <Pine.HPP.3.91.970618151247.2283B-100000@whale.students.stir.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Content-Transfer-Encoding: QUOTED-PRINTABLE
Yes, in some instances, it may be a case of agreeing to =20
disagree. If the basic assumptions are right, I will not =20
argue much about the details. Of course, there are other =20
African musicians who sing in more than one language, in =20
Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Senegal, South Africa, almost everywhere =20
in Africa. This is not a case of agreeing to disagree.
But this is not even the point. I would still have loved =20
Ifang Bondi if they had sung in the other national languages. =20
Thank God, I do not recognise any strong ethnic strife =20
developing in The Gambia. Ifang Bondi are part of the people, =20
but they are a tiny minority. Their philosophy, though laudable, =
=20
simply failed to catch on. Should they have changed their =20
philosophy, or should the Gambian people have changed the way =20
they appreciated music? I am suggesting that it might have =20
been easier for the Ifang Bondi change, if only temporarily, =20
than the other way round.
We can agree to disagree on the comparative levels of =20
corruption in the socalled developed and developing countries. =20
I do not have the exact figures right now but I know that =20
computer fraud alone is costing the EU tens of billions of =20
pounds sterling. I want to believe that people in these =20
countries are equally corrupt but are more adept at covering =20
their tracks. I am not of the stereotypical view that the =20
African is corrupt through and through.
The feeling some peoples have that their governments do =20
not belong to them is not peculiar to Africa. How else =20
would one explain the voter apathy prevalent in many western =20
countries? Voting in elections, especially in the African =20
context, may have its problems but, in my view, it is certainly =
=20
better than the feudal system that it replaced; a system =20
that largely determined one's destiny from birth.
In 1965, Gambians rejected a republican form of government. =20
In 1970, they accepted it. Were they wrong in both cases? =20
Of course, I know the difference between casting a ballot=20
(which, incidentally, existed in some African communities) and =20
informally asking the people their opinion. However, in the =20
case of The Gambia the whole exercise was deeply flawed. It =20
has to be remembered that members of the ruling Council were =20
not agreed as to the duration of the transition period. =20
Consequently, some of them adopted gunboat-diplomacy tactics. I =20
for one would not like to express my opinion in a gathering =20
surrounded by armed military personnel who would not hesitate =20
to use force. The aim should be to increase the democratic =20
space and the idea of informal consultation is fine. But one =20
must have a very low regard for the majority of The Gambian =20
people to suggest that they were casting their votes in the =20
wrong boxes, or they did not know the effect voting for one =20
candidate would have. I do not have such a low regard for =20
the people, even though I disagreed with their verdict on a =20
number of occasions. In the past, most Africans (Indeed in =20
most other parts of the world) were content to be ruled by =20
members of a particular family. Did not voting by ballot =20
offer a change? If Mr Sidibeh does not approve of elections, =20
which existed in Africa before it came into contact with western=
=20
culture, can he offer us a credible alternative? The Bantaba =20
will debate it and we can all learn from his wisdom.
I want to ask Mr Sidibeh whether he does not think that =20
voting is an expression of one's opinion. If we go to vote =20
in elections, whose opinions are we supposed to express? =20
Since my education has been called into question, I would =20
like Mr Sidibeh to clarify this point. The type of =20
gatherings he is proposing used to work well in the past. =20
How a general election can realistically be conducted in =20
that manner remains to be seen. Some Heads of State, for =20
example, Siaka Stevens, used these 'African' ways of doing =20
this simply to perpetuate themselves and their families in =20
power. Let me just add that casting one's vote is both a =20
physical and a psychological exercise, except the person =20
casting the vote is incapable of thinking or feeling.
In my contributions I cautioned against glorification. If =20
one looks critically at Africa's history, one is bound to =20
see widespread instability, ethnic conflict and, yes, =20
corruption. These problems are part of us and have been form =20
time immemorial. Colonialism added other dimensions to them, =20
but they were here. This is certainly true in the case of =20
The Gambia.
While I agree that the way Africa has been politically =20
divided is obscene, I do not accept that Africans had =20
previously lived in a vacuum. People lived in empires, states=20
(or whatever), paid tribute where it was due and rebelled =20
whenever the time was right to form their own kingdoms. If =20
one was within the Kaabu empire one paid tribute to the =20
king of Kaabu. This kind of demarcation happened at even the =20
village level. Conflicts that happened at the village level =20
can be read in 'Things Fall Apart' (Chinua Achebe). Not only =20
did they have borders, ancient African states should be given =20
credit for having most of the features needed to run their =20
governments, including ministers of state, ambassadors, banks, =20
law courts, police forces, armies, and census officers that =20
periodically counted both the human and animal population. =20
But we must be prepared to also accept the negative side =20
instead of simplistically blaming the west for all our ills. =20
I agree with Sheikh Amadou Kane that 'while the canon =20
destroys the body, the school bewitches the soul'. But it =20
does not have to be so in all cases, and I wonder why I =20
have been placed in this category. At least my education =20
has taught me to attack ideas and not personalities. =20
I may be 'linguistically deficient' but it was not for =20
me to fathom what was meant by 'Mary, Mary come here'. =20
Why wasn't 'Lamin, Lamin come here' used, if the idea was =20
not to associate ' Mary' with westerners? There are =20
people right across the ethnic board who think in this way. =20
If his example had been to do with snow or skiing, I =20
would not have questioned it. Thanks for the clarification.
Thanks for reading.
MOMODOU On Wed, 18 Jun 1997, Momodou S=20
Sidibeh wrote:
> Mr. Njie,
> one of the merits of dialogue conducted in a democratic forum is to agree
> to disagree. This will at least open up possibilities to deal with other
> matters which remain points of contention.
> I for one do not know of any other pop band anywhere that palyed music in
> so many different langauges and musical traditions. That the Ifang Bondi
> succumbed to outside competition rather than their own inter-disciplinary
> failings perhaps is a matter of opinion. Yet that is infact not the point=
..
> I used the Ifang Bondi to illustrate my previous position that it is
> possible to invent, to create something that Gambians can identify as
> particularly Gambian - to help us gradually to retreat from our often ver=
y
> strong ethnic consciousness. A consciousness that has proved to be the ba=
ne
> of most African societies. A national consciousness, fosters the growth =
of
> a national identity, which is a prerequisite for patriotism, anywhere. O=
f
> course criminals, and corrupt bureaucrats exist everywhere, but I should
> insist that the dimensions of corrupt practices, the fact that it concern=
s
> sums=20
> that measures very significantly to national budgets, and retards
> development efforts throughout the continent is a feature not found in th=
e
> U.K or Japan or the U.S! Yet inspite of that, corruption does not arouse
> the kind of public indignation that one would expect elsewhere. I believe=
,
> like many political analysts do (such as Ali Mazrui and Richard Sandbrook
> for instance) that this is because the people do not feel that the
> government belongs to them. So if one does not take of its property, one =
is
> infact considered a fool. That is the mentality that i think we must
> combat. You say the growth of a national identity is a thing which the
> people themselves are best placed to bring about. Unless you qualify that
> statement, I should say that the Ifang Bondi were also part of the people=
?=20
>=20
>=20
> I stated something to the effect
> that we ought to make a critical assesssment of both our cultural values
> and traditional practices on the one hand, and the effects of Western
> education on the other, and thereafter determine for ourselves the kind o=
f
> lives we want to live for. I made neither a glorification of Africa's pas=
t
> nor an outright condemnation of Western education per se. On the other ha=
nd
> I lament the severe effects western education has on our mental
> dispositions. The mental order we acquired (largely due to this education=
al
> systems) insists that it is Africa that must adjust to a level that is se=
en
> as the standard for mankind, rather than foreign values being gradually
> tailored to fit the African condition. I want to believe that political
> instabilty, ethnic conflict, corruption and other seemingly intractable
> African
> problems are indicative of Africa's refusal to be forcefully co-opted int=
o
> foreign systems. Given that most Africans lived in acephalous (stateless)
> societies it is obvious that the Western state and its institutions are
> culturally illegitimate.=20
> Finally, the importance of the National Consultative Committee is natural=
ly
> open to
> different interpretations. But in our GAMBIAN context I should make a ver=
y
> very clear distinction between the weight of this Yahya Jammeh-created
> committee that was to promptly determine the destiny of the nation, and
> the ritual of casting meaningless ballots which have notoriously been
> exchangeable for the cost of a bowl of rice. The one, a method of direct
> democracy, charged with seriousness and meaning - the state thus gaining
> instant legitimacy (WITHOUT ANY FOREIGN MODEL BEING IMPLANTED, THE
> COMMITEE ASKED THEM TO "TAKE REAL POWER NOW, BE IN SOLE CHARGE OF YOUR
> DESTINY"); the other shrouded in remoteness, fraud, improper
> registration of voters, political caricaturing, ethnic rivalvry - the
> people just play along in a very "serious" game that comes about every fi=
ve
> years. And this Mr. Njie, is the core of my entire argumentation in these
> humble contributions:=20
> INSPITE OF YOUR BEING THERE, AND INSPITE OF YOUR EDUCATION (OR BECAUSE OF
> IT - I.E THE WAY YOU ARE TRAINED TO THINK) YOU COULD NOT SEE THE DIFFEREN=
CE
> BETWEEN MAKING A CHOICE BY CASTING A BALLOT (FOR MANY AFRICANS, JUST SILL=
Y
> LITTLE STONES), AND MAKING A CHOICE BY PHYSICALLY AND PSYCHOLOGICALLY
> EMPOWERING THE PEOPLE DIRECTLY. FOR YOU THESE ARE EXACTLY ONE AND THE SA=
ME
> THING. BUT FOR THE PEASANTS THEY ARE ENTIRELY DIFFERENT. THEY HAVE SAID
> THAT IT WAS THE FIRST TIME THAT "ANYONE ASKED THEM OF THEIR OPINION". THA=
T
> IS A DOCUMENTED FACT.
> OUR PROBLEM IS NOT JUST A LINGUISTIC DEFICIENCY BUT TO BE ABLE TO THINK
> DIFFERENTLY AFTER SO MANY YEARS OF BEING TRAINED TO THINK IN A PARTICULAR
> MANNER. WHEN I SAID MARY I DID NOT MEAN MARY - JUST LIKE FATOU, A NAME. I
> MEANT THAT FROM THAT DAY ONWARDS WE UNDERGO A SERIOUS PROCESS OF MENTAL
> COLONISATION WITHOUT BEING PARTICULARLY AWARE OF IT.=20
> With my sincere respects,
> Momodou Sidibeh.
>=20
> ----------
> Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> =C4mne: Re: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et a=
l..
> Datum: den 17 juni 1997 14:17
>=20
> I might have read Mr Sidibeh's contribution, and the reason =
=20
> why I did not respond was probably that, on balance, I agreed =
=20
> with what he said. It was when someone suggested that Africans =
=20
> do not have a cultural identity that I saw the need to do =20
> so, and addressed that person in particular. It is not my =20
> intention for this discussion to become 'unfocused, narrow and =
=20
> jejune' as this will not be very helpful. This is not =20
> supposed to be a mud-slinging match, but humble contributions =20
> to issues that are of overwhelming importance to us. It is =20
> only by exchanging ideas that we learn from one another and =20
> hopefully devise the best way forward for our country.
>=20
> When I said that the use of 'unique' was a bit of an =20
> exaggeration, I was by no means accusing Mr Sidibeh of wishful =
=20
> thinking. It was simply a note of caution that when such a =20
> word is used, it means none of its kind exists. At least, =20
> that is my understanding. I cannot think of any aspect of =20
> Gambian culture that does not exist elsewhere. The wording of =
=20
> the sentence referred to ('It does not mean that any of the =20
> unique cultural features of the different national groups should =
=20
> be abandoned...') does not appear to be a suggestion.
>=20
> The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or =20
> were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past =
=20
> trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day, =20
> the group received a largely negative response from the people. =
=20
> It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though =
=20
> not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music =20
> should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a =20
> different type of music. The question here is, do you impose =
=20
> on the people what you think is good, or do the people =20
> decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi, =20
> that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their =20
> music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than =20
> did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a =20
> "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that =20
> Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long =20
> way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it =20
> is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring that =
=20
> about.
>=20
> It is wrong for government officials, whether in Japan, the =
=20
> U.K., the U.S. or The Gambia to engage in corrupt practices, =
=20
> but how a NATIONAL IDENTITY can put a stop to such practices =
=20
> is not clear. There are good and bad people everywhere. The =20
> easiest way for people to understand that the government =20
> belongs to them is to explain to them how governments work. =
=20
> For example, the importance of their votes, what happens to =20
> their products and the taxes they pay. This in my view is a =
=20
> more practical and effective way to combat corruption than try =
=20
> to create a NATIONAL IDENTITY, the success of which is, at =20
> best, uncertain.
>=20
> I was in The Gambia when the Consultative Committee was set =
=20
> up, and it was a commendable gesture. But to suggest that =20
> 'For the first time in their lives rrepresentatives of the =20
> state asked them for their opinion on a nationally important =20
> matter' is to ignore the fact that Gambians had been going to =
=20
> the polls before to, I suppose, express their opinion as to =20
> the type of government or Head of State they wanted. They =20
> might have made the wrong decisions, but ultimately they were =
=20
> responsible for the type of government they had.
>=20
> I am by no means proposing the wholesale adoption of =20
> Westminster-type constituions. I do not think the U.K is a =20
> hugely more democratic country than The Gambia. However, I =20
> believe that the people should have the power to remove a =20
> government or an M.P at any time, if they are not satisfied =
=20
> with the way things are going. The fact that certain aspects =
=20
> of such constitutions did not grow organically from our =20
> political systems does not render them any less useful or =20
> practical. Western education did not grow organically from our =
=20
> cultural systems, but we find it useful in many ways. We live =
=20
> in global village and should always have an open mind towards =
=20
> other people's experiences that we can use to our advantage. =20
> In Africa, our political systems were not always characterised =
=20
> by dialogue and reaching consensus, but also by internecine =20
> conflict. What we have to do is to retain the still workable =
=20
> aspects of the old political systems and blend them with other =
=20
> systems around the world that we feel can work in our =20
> situation.
>=20
> Mr Sidibeh and I do not seem to disagree about the importance =
=20
> of education in changing people's attitudes and beliefs. I am =
=20
> also heartened by the fact that the African leaders he named =
=20
> all received formal education, a prerequisite for any leader =20
> in the modern world. The Arabs played an important part in =20
> ancient African politics because they could read and write. The =
=20
> problem is not so much the type of education as what one =20
> does with it. It is unfortunate that many African leaders =20
> failed their people's, but it is gratifying to note that Africa =
=20
> had and still has other western educated leaders with a =20
> different political outlook, including Lumumba, Mandela, Mugabe, =
=20
> Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sankara, Senghor, and Toure.
>=20
> In my intial response, it was never suggested that Mr =20
> Sidibeh was trying to impose HIS values on people. I am sorry =
=20
> if I created that impression. What I was trying to say is =20
> that those people who have received western education, including =
=20
> myself, should not assume that they have THE answers, as this =
=20
> might alienate us from the people we so desperately want to =20
> serve. I am quite aware of the shortcomings of western =20
> education; otherwise I would not have suggested that we should =
=20
> make it more suited to our needs. In doing this hopefully we =
=20
> would look into the legal, political, social and economic =20
> systems affecting us. I would not have any difficulty retaining =
=20
> 'Mary, Mary come here'. 'Mary' is after all a Gambian name, =20
> just like Mariam, Mariama Marie.
>=20
> However, I would advocate for a type of education that =20
> enhances our self-confidence, a type of educatipon that does =20
> not blindly glorify the past, and a type of education that =20
> would go a long way in bringing back the self-sufficient =20
> economy we used to have before the advent of colonialism. The =
=20
> 'poor farmers' would play a leading role in this regard =20
> because they are the least dependent on foreign assistance.
>=20
> I quite agree that we are in many ways the problem of the =
=20
> solution. But I also believe that through dialogue and =20
> tolerance of one another's views we can map out a =20
> comprehensive strategy as to the best way forward. If this is =
=20
> jejune, so be it.
>=20
> Thanks for your time.
> MOMODOU
>=20
> On Mon, 16 Jun 1997, Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
>=20
> > Mr. Njie,
> > Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this discussio=
n
> > may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?)
> had
> > previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political an=
d
> > economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
> > relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
> > suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, inter
> > alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a
> very
> > big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
> > democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned are
> > mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting
> points.
> > So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological
> point
> > of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour o=
f
> a
> > people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
> > =20
> > On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific
> ethnic
> > entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
> > Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim that
> > there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
> > altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the 70=
s
> > played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
> > languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only t=
he
> > songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups. B=
y
> > any international standards, their performance was unique. Their music
> was
> > truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
> > geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with
> pride
> > identify herself with them. The political implications here are
> tremendous:
> > If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience, tha=
t=20
> > all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
> > enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much easi=
er
> > for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to u=
s,
> > and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS
> COUNTRY
> > CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKAS,
> OR
> > THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
> > DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively
> combatting
> > corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhance
> > progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask "whos=
e
> > progress"]=20
> > ----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful
> thinking,
> > but it is not.=20
> > One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was to
> set
> > up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that was
> to
> > solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD followi=
ng
> > the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both men
> and
> > women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVES
> > REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
> > NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THAT
> THEY
> > MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE IN
> > THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how man=
y
> > hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor farmer=
s
> > do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles, wave=
s
> of
> > coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
> > government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
> > Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our
> political
> > systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the governmen=
ts
> > and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the
> need
> > for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively involvin=
g
> > them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
> > I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's
> mentality.
> > You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
> > Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni,
> > Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope by
> > education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal schoolin=
g
> -
> > Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu,
> > Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have all
> > been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to impos=
e
> > any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called educat=
ed
> > Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very
> marginalised
> > Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal systems,
> > constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are infac=
t
> > not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first day
> in
> > primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may be
> part
> > of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
> > problems.=20
> > THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
> > Sidibeh.
> >=20
> >=20
> > =20
> > Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > =C4mne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al.=
..
> > Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
> >=20
> > It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as oppose=
d=20
>=20
> > to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this woul=
d=20
>=20
> > be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices =
=20
> > can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can =
=20
> > change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can =
=20
> > make our education system more suited to other needs.
> >=20
> > However, those aspects referred to, not without some =20
> > exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create =20
> > problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or =20
> > policemen, telling the people what they should or should not =
=20
> > do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will =20
> > necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection. =20
> > Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessment=
=20
> > in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being don=
e=20
>=20
> > is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been =
=20
> > taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many =20
> > cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared. =
=20
> > Education is the best means of ensuring that people make =20
> > informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than =20
> > attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the day=
,=20
>=20
> > effective change can only come about if the people accept it.=
=20
> > For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as =
=20
> > such by the people for whom it is intended.
> >=20
> > The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of female=
=20
> > circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in how=
=20
> > not to go about changing cultural practices.
> >=20
> >=20
> > On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,=20
> > Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> >=20
> > > Malanding, and M. Njie,
> > > Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and
> start
> > > appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a
> polyphony
> > > of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce such
> > > exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique cultura=
l
> > > features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but
> rather
> > > each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a blend
> > whose
> > > power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the object
> of
> > my
> > > saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this is
> > > exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
> > chaotic.
> > > I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou
> seemed
> > to
> > > suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing and
> > making
> > > a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as traditions
> are
> > > largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that we
> may
> > > define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want to
> > live
> > > for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in our
> own
> > > history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst for
> > > education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here a=
nd
> > now
> > > expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of i=
t
> > that
> > > falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
> > outlook)
> > > should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - it =
is
> > not
> > > just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative cre=
ed
> > > useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> > > advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].=20
> > > Sidibeh.
> > > =20
> > >=20
> > > ----------
> > > > Fr=E5n: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > > > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > > > =C4mne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et al.=
..
> > > > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> > > >=20
> > > > Momodou,
> > > > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> > > >=20
> > > >=20
> > > > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
> > Every
> > > > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:what
> is
> > > > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
> > cherished
> > > > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups)
> must
> > be
> > > > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
> > consequences?
> > > > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop,
> and
> > > > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst fo=
r
> > > > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage
> savings
> > > > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to finan=
ce
> > > > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> > > instanc....
> > > >=20
> > > > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's reall=
y
> > > possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
> > country's
> > > are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> > > individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> > > Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case of
> the
> > > Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a diver=
se
> > > 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones self
> > with.
> > > =20
> > > >=20
> > > > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> > > generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do not
> > think
> > > that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> > > cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value syste=
ms
> > > tend to be different.=20
> > > >=20
> > > > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > > > learning in largely non-literate societies?...=20
> > > > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more w=
e
> > > learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people than
> > ever
> > > before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I wa=
s
> > > going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who is
> > useful
> > > at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves
> sent
> > to
> > > school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> > > >=20
> > > > Malanding
> > >=20
> > ----------
> >=20
> >=20
>=20
> ----------
>=20
>=20
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 19:37:28 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: Gambia-L <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: BRAZZAVILLE
Message-ID: <199706181737.TAA14964@relay.eunet.no>
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DATE=6/18/97
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-215882
TITLE=BRAZZAVILLE/SAHNOUN (S-O)
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN
DATELINE=KINSHASA
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: U-N SPECIAL ENVOY, MOHAMED SAHNOUN, IS IN BRAZZAVILLE,
MEETING WITH BOTH SIDES OF THE CONFLICT THERE IN HOPES OF
EXTENDING THE THREE-DAY CEASEFIRE DECLARED TUESDAY. FROM
KINSHASA, JOHN PITMAN REPORTS THE U-N DIPLOMAT HAS MET WITH
PRESIDENT PASCAL LISSOUBA.
TEXT: AFTER HIS MEETING WITH AMBASSADOR SAHNOUN, PRESIDENT
LISSOUBA TOLD REPORTERS A NUMBER OF PROBLEMS REMAIN TO BE SOLVED
BEFORE A LASTING CEASEFIRE CAN BE PUT IN PLACE.
THE NUMBER-ONE ITEM REMAINS THE SCHEDULE FOR PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTIONS. THE ELECTIONS WERE ORIGINALLY SET FOR JULY 27TH, BUT
NOW PRESIDENT LISSOUBA SAYS THEY WILL LIKELY HAVE TO BE
POSTPONED.
CONTROL OF THE AIRPORT AFTER THE FRENCH ARMY CONTINGENT COMPLETES
ITS WITHDRAWAL IS ANOTHER POINT OF CONTENTION. UNDER THE TERMS
OF THE THREE-DAY CEASEFIRE, THE AIRPORT IS TO BE DE-MILITARIZED.
BUT OBSERVERS SAY UNLESS A LASTING CEASEFIRE IS IMPLEMENTED, A
MAJOR BATTLE FOR THE AIRPORT COULD ERUPT WHEN THE LAST FRENCH
PLANE LEAVES.
AFTER HIS MEETING WITH MR. SAHNOUN, PRESIDENT LISSOUBA MADE IT
CLEAR HE BELIEVES THE AIRPORT IS GOVERNMENT PROPERTY, AND
GOVERNMENT TROOPS WILL FIGHT TO CONTROL AND DEFEND IT.
// OPT // MR. SAHNOUN IS NOW HOLDING SEPARATE TALKS WITH
BRAZZAVILLE'S MAYOR, AND FORMER PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU NGUESSO.
(SIGNED)
NEB/JP/PCF/RAE
18-Jun-97 10:31 AM EDT (1431 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
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<HTML>
<HEAD>
<TITLE>BRAZZAVILLE</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY BGCOLOR="#FFFFFF">
<TT>DATE=6/18/97<BR>
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT<BR>
NUMBER=2-215882<BR>
TITLE=BRAZZAVILLE/SAHNOUN (S-O)<BR>
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN<BR>
DATELINE=KINSHASA<BR>
CONTENT=<BR>
VOICED AT: <BR>
<BR>
INTRO: U-N SPECIAL ENVOY, MOHAMED SAHNOUN, IS IN BRAZZAVILLE, <BR>
MEETING WITH BOTH SIDES OF THE CONFLICT THERE IN HOPES OF <BR>
EXTENDING THE THREE-DAY CEASEFIRE DECLARED TUESDAY. FROM <BR>
KINSHASA, JOHN PITMAN REPORTS THE U-N DIPLOMAT HAS MET WITH <BR>
PRESIDENT PASCAL LISSOUBA.<BR>
<BR>
TEXT: AFTER HIS MEETING WITH AMBASSADOR SAHNOUN, PRESIDENT <BR>
LISSOUBA TOLD REPORTERS A NUMBER OF PROBLEMS REMAIN TO BE SOLVED <BR>
BEFORE A LASTING CEASEFIRE CAN BE PUT IN PLACE.<BR>
<BR>
THE NUMBER-ONE ITEM REMAINS THE SCHEDULE FOR PRESIDENTIAL <BR>
ELECTIONS. THE ELECTIONS WERE ORIGINALLY SET FOR JULY 27TH, BUT <BR>
NOW PRESIDENT LISSOUBA SAYS THEY WILL LIKELY HAVE TO BE <BR>
POSTPONED.<BR>
<BR>
CONTROL OF THE AIRPORT AFTER THE FRENCH ARMY CONTINGENT COMPLETES<BR>
ITS WITHDRAWAL IS ANOTHER POINT OF CONTENTION. UNDER THE TERMS <BR>
OF THE THREE-DAY CEASEFIRE, THE AIRPORT IS TO BE DE-MILITARIZED. <BR>
BUT OBSERVERS SAY UNLESS A LASTING CEASEFIRE IS IMPLEMENTED, A <BR>
MAJOR BATTLE FOR THE AIRPORT COULD ERUPT WHEN THE LAST FRENCH <BR>
PLANE LEAVES.<BR>
<BR>
AFTER HIS MEETING WITH MR. SAHNOUN, PRESIDENT LISSOUBA MADE IT <BR>
CLEAR HE BELIEVES THE AIRPORT IS GOVERNMENT PROPERTY, AND <BR>
GOVERNMENT TROOPS WILL FIGHT TO CONTROL AND DEFEND IT.<BR>
<BR>
// OPT // MR. SAHNOUN IS NOW HOLDING SEPARATE TALKS WITH <BR>
BRAZZAVILLE'S MAYOR, AND FORMER PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU NGUESSO. <BR>
(SIGNED)<BR>
<BR>
NEB/JP/PCF/RAE<BR>
<BR>
18-Jun-97 10:31 AM EDT (1431 UTC)<BR>
NNNN<BR>
<BR>
Source: Voice of America</TT><BR>
<BR>
<BR>
</BODY>
</HTML>
--Next_Part_2949507448_231502_MS_Mac_IMN--
------------------------------
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Momodou
Denmark
11513 Posts |
Posted - 19 Jun 2021 : 17:02:33
|
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 17:57:06 -0400 (EDT)
From: Musa Sowe <chemsm@panther.Gsu.EDU>
To: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: connextions to the Gambia
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.3.95.970618173658.29572A-100000@panther.Gsu.EDU>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Asbjorn Nordam:
If you provide me with more info on the connexions to the Gambia,
I will be more than glad to communicate it to the College and maybe other
officials involved in Education in Gambia. It certainly sounds like a
very exciting oppurtunity. I am in constant contact with the college, and
I have committed to provide the college with certain supplies for one
year on a semester basis and have sent the first batch for fall semester.
The last major communication on Gambian Education from the
Education group was Malanding's draft proposal. It has been awhile, but
I am working on it and hope that everyone else on the committee is working
on it so that we can get a final document by the end of the summer.
If you wish you can reply to my private emails:
chemsm@panther.gsu.edu
or
msowe@smc.ceismc.gatech.edu
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 22:54:12 -0400 (EDT)
From: ASJanneh@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: MR.NBAYE!
Message-ID: <970618225120_1788223814@emout04.mail.aol.com>
Gambia-l:
Mr. O. F. M'Bai removed from the List as requested.
Amadou Scattred Janneh
------------------------------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 23:59:20 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: MR.NBAYE!
Message-ID: <33A8AE98.7F08EC0D@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
ASJanneh@aol.com wrote:
> Mr. O. F. M'Bai removed from the List as requested.
Here, here!
Lat
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 09:05:34 +0100
From: Abdou Gibba <Abdou.Gibba@smr.uib.no>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et
al..
Message-ID: <2.2.32.19970619080534.006ddc18@golf.uib.no>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
At 15:11 18/06/97 +0100, M. NJIE wrote:
> If you lack patriotism and cherish things foreign, are you
>not in the process rejecting your own? I didn't see the need
>to elaborate as you have done, but we are basically saying
>the same thing. Please look at the context in which the word
>'impose' is used.
EXCUSE ME IF I MISUNDERSTOOD THE CONTEXT IN WHICH YOU USED THE WORD "IMPOSE"
AS FOLLOWS:
"...The question here is, do you impose on the people what you
think is good, or do the people decide what is best for them?..."
IT IS FROM THIS CONTEXT THAT I WROTE:
"...In my opinion, the question here is not a collective rejection of what one
(Ifang, for this matter) "imposes" on the people. The fact of the matter is
there seem to be a lack of patriotism within many Gambians. We cherish
anything foreign and fail to appreciate the value of anything Gambian..."
WHAT I AM TRYING TO SAY IS, IT IS NOT JUST THE type of music THAT PEOPLE
REJECTED, BUT it's origin - THEIR OWN NEIGHBORHOOD. THIS IS WHY I ELABORATED
WITH ALL THOSE EXAMPLES.
Respectfully,
::)))Abdou Oujimai
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 03:27:14 -0400 (EDT)
From: Gabriel Ndow <gndow@Spelman.EDU>
To: binta@iuj.ac.jp
Cc: "GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.3.95.970619020846.15100A-100000@acc5>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Lamin:
Point well taken. Yes we do carry the burden of finding a way and leading
the rest to a new african reality. However few will be bold enough and
daring enough to sacrifice their time and resources to this effort. Allow
me to share my thoughts on this issue.
First we must come to terms with the historical fact that Africa is a
conquered continent.Second culture has always beeneenbeen vely
used as a weapon for subjugating the conquered. By that i mean the
imposition of the conquerer's culture on the dominated while desimating
that of the latter.
The institutions that safeguarded the cultural life of many african
societies were interfered with grossly underminig the cohesiveness of
these societies. One only needs to visit a museum in any major city
to begin to realize the systematic attack and looting of africa's cultural
(and might i add spiritual) heritag. What must one expect from a young
beninois who wakes up one day and cry out "my forefathers did not achieve
anything worthy of preserving!" Had he known that the entire palace of
his 13 s 13thancestors was languishing in a cultural detention
center in washington d.c. AT A PLACE KNOWN AS THE SMITHSONIAN?
If only this young beninois could behold this architectural
edifice. Oh how much his spirit would be lifted as he suddenly recognizes
his historical mission. For in that moment he grasps the past and the
futureall at once.
Why he may even discover that his ancestors invented the very script i
am using to communicate in!to com using to communicate to you!
our philosophers say: su xam don jiitu recu du am: had knowledge been
leading there would be no regrets.
Latjor
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 03:46:15 -0400 (EDT)
From: Gabriel Ndow <gndow@Spelman.EDU>
To: "GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <Pine.GSO.3.95.970619034254.15100B-100000@acc5>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
my apologies for the way my text came out.i am using a new mail tool.
please bear with me.
latjor
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 10:23:00 +2000
From: mmjeng@image.dk
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Coups Necessary In Africa, Says Sithole
Message-ID: <199706190808.KAA29101@www.image.dk>
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Coups Necessary In Africa, Says Sithole
June 18, 1997
HARARE, Zimbabwe (PANA) - Zimbabwean politician Ndabaningi Sithole
said Wednesday that coups were a legitimate political instrument whose
function was to correct what was perceived as wrong in situations
where constitutional means failed.
Sithole, leader of the opposition Zimbabwe African National Union
Ndonga party, said African coups often occurred because of government
corruption, nepotism, arbitrary dispensation of justice, electoral
rigging and dictatorial constitutions which overlooked the popular
will.
Speaking at a press conference in Harare, Sithole also condemned the
Organization of African Unity and its current chairman, President
Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, for denouncing the coup in Sierra Leone.
The June summit of the organization also called for the restoration of
President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, who is in neighbouring Guinea where he
fled when the soldiers seized power May 25.
The Sierra Leonean army, backed by rebels of the Revolutionary United
Front, ousted Kabbah's democratically elected government, suspended
the constitution and set up an Armed Forces Revolutionary Council to
govern the country.
The coup leader, Maj. Johnny Koroma, took oath of office Tuesday.
The present O.A.U. has now no relevance for an independent Africa
which is faced by a lot of problem which include continental
insecurity and control of the economy by former colonial masters,
Sithole said.
Greetings
Matarr M. Jeng.
Copyright =A9 1997 Panafrican News Agency. All Rights Reserved.
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 12:25:12 +0200
From: "Momodou S Sidibeh" <momodou.sidibeh@stockholm.mail.telia.com>
To: <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: SV: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
Message-ID: <199706191049.MAA20264@d1o2.telia.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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Once again, Mr. Njie,
The amounts of money related to fraud by transport companies by diverting
goods from their declared destinations is comparable the amount in comput=
er
fraud, and these are many times larger than the combined GDPs of many
African countries. However, these do not disrupt business and progress in
welfare and infrastructure improvement programs in Europe. The same thin=
g
cannot be said of corruption in Africa - were as a result, industries sta=
nd
still, projects remain unstarted for years, and potential investors shy
away because they would not give large hand-outs to people in charge of
contract processing. And it is the reason why many military men justify
take-overs. And in many cases they themselves do no better once in power.
In my mind voter apathy in Europe and political alienation in Africa come
from completely differnt sources. In the one case, party political progra=
ms
have very little differences, largely seen only in details relating to
public spending, foreign policy, immigration, taxes, and environmental
issues. Politics has become "boring" for most people in the west, and man=
y
have difficulties making up their minds on issues which have become more
and more technical.=20
That is certainly not the case in AFRICA. The whole electioneering proce=
ss
in Africa can be compared to large festivals were different groups vye f=
or
power often thriving on ethnic loyalties. Concrete socio-economic issues
are hardly ever the questions that matter. Campaigns are quite interestin=
g=20
and typical of non-literate cultures, the skills of powerful orators draw
large crowds. And when this festival is over people go on with their dail=
y
lives in the villages as remote from the bureaucratic transactions as is
possible. Some anthropologist have indeed claimed that many African
governements effectively liberated themselves from the people in that the
state survives on loans and Aid irrespective of whether people pay taxes =
or
not. This was the case in Sassou Nguesso's Congo. He was accused of
privately owning a few oil wells! There is surely a difference between
voting and voting.
The Gambian people danced and laid down their lives when Kukoi took
power in 1981. Very few local leaders refrained from telling Jawara over
the radio how wicked his rule had been. When Fafa returned with a vengean=
ce
and held elections the following year, they overwhelmingly voted for him.
They voted his party into office again in 1992, but when the soldiers too=
k
over barely two years later, not a a single person raised a piece of ston=
e
in his defence. To observe these vaccilations in public behaviour in thes=
e
days towards such institutions as are forcefully brought upon them in fea=
r
and mutual distrust and suspicion, and not see a difference with the way
they voted, for what issues, in those tiny communities, where the languag=
e
was indegenous, just like the instituions then, and for issues they could
understand and affect directly, is to refuse to see the tree for the
woods.
When Africans used every tactic to feign sickness, to refuse to pay taxes=
,
to lie to the colonial bosses, the latter simply concluded that they were
lazy and dishonest and cunning. They could not understand that it was the
people's way of protesting against domination and forced labour. I believ=
e
that for many Africans voting because the people in power say so is not t=
he
same as using the power of the ballot to shape their destinies.
With sincere respect.
Sidibeh.
=20
Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
<gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
=C4mne: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, =
et ,
al..
Datum: den 18 juni 1997 18:44
Yes, in some instances, it may be a case of agreeing to =20
disagree. If the basic assumptions are right, I will not =20
argue much about the details. Of course, there are other =20
African musicians who sing in more than one language, in =20
Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Senegal, South Africa, almost everywhere =20
in Africa. This is not a case of agreeing to disagree.
But this is not even the point. I would still have loved =20
Ifang Bondi if they had sung in the other national languages. =20
Thank God, I do not recognise any strong ethnic strife =20
developing in The Gambia. Ifang Bondi are part of the people, =20
but they are a tiny minority. Their philosophy, though laudable,=
=20
simply failed to catch on. Should they have changed their =20
philosophy, or should the Gambian people have changed the way =20
they appreciated music? I am suggesting that it might have =20
been easier for the Ifang Bondi change, if only temporarily, =20
than the other way round.
We can agree to disagree on the comparative levels of =20
corruption in the socalled developed and developing countries. =20
I do not have the exact figures right now but I know that =20
computer fraud alone is costing the EU tens of billions of =20
pounds sterling. I want to believe that people in these =20
countries are equally corrupt but are more adept at covering =20
their tracks. I am not of the stereotypical view that the =20
African is corrupt through and through.
The feeling some peoples have that their governments do =20
not belong to them is not peculiar to Africa. How else =20
would one explain the voter apathy prevalent in many western =20
countries? Voting in elections, especially in the African =20
context, may have its problems but, in my view, it is certainly=
=20
better than the feudal system that it replaced; a system =20
that largely determined one's destiny from birth.
In 1965, Gambians rejected a republican form of government. =20
In 1970, they accepted it. Were they wrong in both cases? =20
Of course, I know the difference between casting a ballot=20
(which, incidentally, existed in some African communities) and =20
informally asking the people their opinion. However, in the =20
case of The Gambia the whole exercise was deeply flawed. It =20
has to be remembered that members of the ruling Council were =20
not agreed as to the duration of the transition period. =20
Consequently, some of them adopted gunboat-diplomacy tactics. I =20
for one would not like to express my opinion in a gathering =20
surrounded by armed military personnel who would not hesitate =20
to use force. The aim should be to increase the democratic =20
space and the idea of informal consultation is fine. But one =20
must have a very low regard for the majority of The Gambian =20
people to suggest that they were casting their votes in the =20
wrong boxes, or they did not know the effect voting for one =20
candidate would have. I do not have such a low regard for =20
the people, even though I disagreed with their verdict on a =20
number of occasions. In the past, most Africans (Indeed in =20
most other parts of the world) were content to be ruled by =20
members of a particular family. Did not voting by ballot =20
offer a change? If Mr Sidibeh does not approve of elections, =20
which existed in Africa before it came into contact with western=
=20
culture, can he offer us a credible alternative? The Bantaba =20
will debate it and we can all learn from his wisdom.
I want to ask Mr Sidibeh whether he does not think that =20
voting is an expression of one's opinion. If we go to vote =20
in elections, whose opinions are we supposed to express? =20
Since my education has been called into question, I would =20
like Mr Sidibeh to clarify this point. The type of =20
gatherings he is proposing used to work well in the past. =20
How a general election can realistically be conducted in =20
that manner remains to be seen. Some Heads of State, for =20
example, Siaka Stevens, used these 'African' ways of doing =20
this simply to perpetuate themselves and their families in =20
power. Let me just add that casting one's vote is both a =20
physical and a psychological exercise, except the person =20
casting the vote is incapable of thinking or feeling.
In my contributions I cautioned against glorification. If =20
one looks critically at Africa's history, one is bound to =20
see widespread instability, ethnic conflict and, yes, =20
corruption. These problems are part of us and have been form =20
time immemorial. Colonialism added other dimensions to them, =20
but they were here. This is certainly true in the case of =20
The Gambia.
While I agree that the way Africa has been politically =20
divided is obscene, I do not accept that Africans had =20
previously lived in a vacuum. People lived in empires, states=20
(or whatever), paid tribute where it was due and rebelled =20
whenever the time was right to form their own kingdoms. If =20
one was within the Kaabu empire one paid tribute to the =20
king of Kaabu. This kind of demarcation happened at even the =20
village level. Conflicts that happened at the village level =20
can be read in 'Things Fall Apart' (Chinua Achebe). Not only =20
did they have borders, ancient African states should be given =20
credit for having most of the features needed to run their =20
governments, including ministers of state, ambassadors, banks, =20
law courts, police forces, armies, and census officers that =20
periodically counted both the human and animal population. =20
But we must be prepared to also accept the negative side =20
instead of simplistically blaming the west for all our ills. =20
I agree with Sheikh Amadou Kane that 'while the canon =20
destroys the body, the school bewitches the soul'. But it =20
does not have to be so in all cases, and I wonder why I =20
have been placed in this category. At least my education =20
has taught me to attack ideas and not personalities. =20
I may be 'linguistically deficient' but it was not for =20
me to fathom what was meant by 'Mary, Mary come here'. =20
Why wasn't 'Lamin, Lamin come here' used, if the idea was =20
not to associate ' Mary' with westerners? There are =20
people right across the ethnic board who think in this way. =20
If his example had been to do with snow or skiing, I =20
would not have questioned it. Thanks for the clarification.
Thanks for reading.
MOMODOU On Wed, 18 Jun 1997, Momodou S=20
Sidibeh wrote:
> Mr. Njie,
> one of the merits of dialogue conducted in a democratic forum is to agr=
ee
> to disagree. This will at least open up possibilities to deal with othe=
r
> matters which remain points of contention.
> I for one do not know of any other pop band anywhere that palyed music =
in
> so many different langauges and musical traditions. That the Ifang Bond=
i
> succumbed to outside competition rather than their own inter-disciplina=
ry
> failings perhaps is a matter of opinion. Yet that is infact not the
point.
> I used the Ifang Bondi to illustrate my previous position that it is
> possible to invent, to create something that Gambians can identify as
> particularly Gambian - to help us gradually to retreat from our often
very
> strong ethnic consciousness. A consciousness that has proved to be the
bane
> of most African societies. A national consciousness, fosters the growt=
h
of
> a national identity, which is a prerequisite for patriotism, anywhere.
Of
> course criminals, and corrupt bureaucrats exist everywhere, but I shoul=
d
> insist that the dimensions of corrupt practices, the fact that it
concerns
> sums=20
> that measures very significantly to national budgets, and retards
> development efforts throughout the continent is a feature not found in
the
> U.K or Japan or the U.S! Yet inspite of that, corruption does not arou=
se
> the kind of public indignation that one would expect elsewhere. I
believe,
> like many political analysts do (such as Ali Mazrui and Richard Sandbro=
ok
> for instance) that this is because the people do not feel that the
> government belongs to them. So if one does not take of its property, on=
e
is
> infact considered a fool. That is the mentality that i think we must
> combat. You say the growth of a national identity is a thing which the
> people themselves are best placed to bring about. Unless you qualify th=
at
> statement, I should say that the Ifang Bondi were also part of the
people?=20
>=20
>=20
> I stated something to the effect
> that we ought to make a critical assesssment of both our cultural value=
s
> and traditional practices on the one hand, and the effects of Western
> education on the other, and thereafter determine for ourselves the kind
of
> lives we want to live for. I made neither a glorification of Africa's
past
> nor an outright condemnation of Western education per se. On the other
hand
> I lament the severe effects western education has on our mental
> dispositions. The mental order we acquired (largely due to this
educational
> systems) insists that it is Africa that must adjust to a level that is
seen
> as the standard for mankind, rather than foreign values being gradually
> tailored to fit the African condition. I want to believe that politica=
l
> instabilty, ethnic conflict, corruption and other seemingly intractable
> African
> problems are indicative of Africa's refusal to be forcefully co-opted
into
> foreign systems. Given that most Africans lived in acephalous (stateles=
s)
> societies it is obvious that the Western state and its institutions ar=
e
> culturally illegitimate.=20
> Finally, the importance of the National Consultative Committee is
naturally
> open to
> different interpretations. But in our GAMBIAN context I should make a
very
> very clear distinction between the weight of this Yahya Jammeh-created
> committee that was to promptly determine the destiny of the nation, an=
d
> the ritual of casting meaningless ballots which have notoriously been
> exchangeable for the cost of a bowl of rice. The one, a method of direc=
t
> democracy, charged with seriousness and meaning - the state thus gainin=
g
> instant legitimacy (WITHOUT ANY FOREIGN MODEL BEING IMPLANTED, THE
> COMMITEE ASKED THEM TO "TAKE REAL POWER NOW, BE IN SOLE CHARGE OF YOUR
> DESTINY"); the other shrouded in remoteness, fraud, improper
> registration of voters, political caricaturing, ethnic rivalvry - the
> people just play along in a very "serious" game that comes about every
five
> years. And this Mr. Njie, is the core of my entire argumentation in the=
se
> humble contributions:=20
> INSPITE OF YOUR BEING THERE, AND INSPITE OF YOUR EDUCATION (OR BECAUSE =
OF
> IT - I.E THE WAY YOU ARE TRAINED TO THINK) YOU COULD NOT SEE THE
DIFFERENCE
> BETWEEN MAKING A CHOICE BY CASTING A BALLOT (FOR MANY AFRICANS, JUST
SILLY
> LITTLE STONES), AND MAKING A CHOICE BY PHYSICALLY AND PSYCHOLOGICALLY
> EMPOWERING THE PEOPLE DIRECTLY. FOR YOU THESE ARE EXACTLY ONE AND THE
SAME
> THING. BUT FOR THE PEASANTS THEY ARE ENTIRELY DIFFERENT. THEY HAVE SAID
> THAT IT WAS THE FIRST TIME THAT "ANYONE ASKED THEM OF THEIR OPINION".
THAT
> IS A DOCUMENTED FACT.
> OUR PROBLEM IS NOT JUST A LINGUISTIC DEFICIENCY BUT TO BE ABLE TO THINK
> DIFFERENTLY AFTER SO MANY YEARS OF BEING TRAINED TO THINK IN A PARTICUL=
AR
> MANNER. WHEN I SAID MARY I DID NOT MEAN MARY - JUST LIKE FATOU, A NAME.=
I
> MEANT THAT FROM THAT DAY ONWARDS WE UNDERGO A SERIOUS PROCESS OF MENTAL
> COLONISATION WITHOUT BEING PARTICULARLY AWARE OF IT.=20
> With my sincere respects,
> Momodou Sidibeh.
>=20
> ----------
> Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> =C4mne: Re: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et
al..
> Datum: den 17 juni 1997 14:17
>=20
> I might have read Mr Sidibeh's contribution, and the reason=
=20
> why I did not respond was probably that, on balance, I agree=
d=20
> with what he said. It was when someone suggested that African=
s=20
> do not have a cultural identity that I saw the need to do =20
> so, and addressed that person in particular. It is not my =20
> intention for this discussion to become 'unfocused, narrow and =
=20
> jejune' as this will not be very helpful. This is not =20
> supposed to be a mud-slinging match, but humble contributions =20
> to issues that are of overwhelming importance to us. It is =20
> only by exchanging ideas that we learn from one another and =20
> hopefully devise the best way forward for our country.
>=20
> When I said that the use of 'unique' was a bit of an =20
> exaggeration, I was by no means accusing Mr Sidibeh of wishfu=
l=20
> thinking. It was simply a note of caution that when such a =20
> word is used, it means none of its kind exists. At least, =20
> that is my understanding. I cannot think of any aspect of =20
> Gambian culture that does not exist elsewhere. The wording of =
=20
> the sentence referred to ('It does not mean that any of the =20
> unique cultural features of the different national groups shoul=
d=20
> be abandoned...') does not appear to be a suggestion.
>=20
> The mention of Ifang Bondi is interesting. They are (or =20
> were) a great group and I spent a lot of time in the past =
=20
> trying to promote their music. But at the end of the day, =20
> the group received a largely negative response from the people=
..=20
> It was mostly outsiders who appreciated their brilliant, though=
=20
> not unique, performance. Ifang Bondi felt that their music =20
> should be appreciated, but the people were demanding a =20
> different type of music. The question here is, do you impose =
=20
> on the people what you think is good, or do the people =20
> decide what is best for them? In the case of Ifang Bondi, =20
> that fact is many Gambians failed to identify with their =20
> music. Musicians from other countries drew larger crowds than =20
> did Ifang Bondi. I entirely agree that 'If there is a =20
> "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience that =20
> Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long =20
> way in enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY' but it =20
> is the people who, collectively, are best placed to bring tha=
t=20
> about.
>=20
> It is wrong for government officials, whether in Japan, the=
=20
> U.K., the U.S. or The Gambia to engage in corrupt practices, =
=20
> but how a NATIONAL IDENTITY can put a stop to such practices=
=20
> is not clear. There are good and bad people everywhere. The =20
> easiest way for people to understand that the government =20
> belongs to them is to explain to them how governments work.=
=20
> For example, the importance of their votes, what happens to =20
> their products and the taxes they pay. This in my view is a=
=20
> more practical and effective way to combat corruption than try=
=20
> to create a NATIONAL IDENTITY, the success of which is, at =20
> best, uncertain.
>=20
> I was in The Gambia when the Consultative Committee was se=
t=20
> up, and it was a commendable gesture. But to suggest that =20
> 'For the first time in their lives rrepresentatives of the =20
> state asked them for their opinion on a nationally important =20
> matter' is to ignore the fact that Gambians had been going t=
o=20
> the polls before to, I suppose, express their opinion as to =20
> the type of government or Head of State they wanted. They =20
> might have made the wrong decisions, but ultimately they were =
=20
> responsible for the type of government they had.
>=20
> I am by no means proposing the wholesale adoption of =20
> Westminster-type constituions. I do not think the U.K is a =20
> hugely more democratic country than The Gambia. However, I =20
> believe that the people should have the power to remove a =20
> government or an M.P at any time, if they are not satisfied =
=20
> with the way things are going. The fact that certain aspects =
=20
> of such constitutions did not grow organically from our =20
> political systems does not render them any less useful or =20
> practical. Western education did not grow organically from our =
=20
> cultural systems, but we find it useful in many ways. We liv=
e=20
> in global village and should always have an open mind towards=
=20
> other people's experiences that we can use to our advantage. =20
> In Africa, our political systems were not always characterised =
=20
> by dialogue and reaching consensus, but also by internecine =20
> conflict. What we have to do is to retain the still workable=
=20
> aspects of the old political systems and blend them with othe=
r=20
> systems around the world that we feel can work in our =20
> situation.
>=20
> Mr Sidibeh and I do not seem to disagree about the importanc=
e=20
> of education in changing people's attitudes and beliefs. I am =
=20
> also heartened by the fact that the African leaders he named =
=20
> all received formal education, a prerequisite for any leader =20
> in the modern world. The Arabs played an important part in =20
> ancient African politics because they could read and write. Th=
e=20
> problem is not so much the type of education as what one =20
> does with it. It is unfortunate that many African leaders =20
> failed their people's, but it is gratifying to note that Afric=
a=20
> had and still has other western educated leaders with a =20
> different political outlook, including Lumumba, Mandela, Mugabe, =
=20
> Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sankara, Senghor, and Toure.
>=20
> In my intial response, it was never suggested that Mr =20
> Sidibeh was trying to impose HIS values on people. I am sorr=
y=20
> if I created that impression. What I was trying to say is =20
> that those people who have received western education, includin=
g=20
> myself, should not assume that they have THE answers, as this=
=20
> might alienate us from the people we so desperately want to =20
> serve. I am quite aware of the shortcomings of western =20
> education; otherwise I would not have suggested that we should=
=20
> make it more suited to our needs. In doing this hopefully we=
=20
> would look into the legal, political, social and economic =20
> systems affecting us. I would not have any difficulty retainin=
g=20
> 'Mary, Mary come here'. 'Mary' is after all a Gambian name, =20
> just like Mariam, Mariama Marie.
>=20
> However, I would advocate for a type of education that =20
> enhances our self-confidence, a type of educatipon that does =20
> not blindly glorify the past, and a type of education that =20
> would go a long way in bringing back the self-sufficient =20
> economy we used to have before the advent of colonialism. The=
=20
> 'poor farmers' would play a leading role in this regard =20
> because they are the least dependent on foreign assistance.
>=20
> I quite agree that we are in many ways the problem of th=
e=20
> solution. But I also believe that through dialogue and =20
> tolerance of one another's views we can map out a =20
> comprehensive strategy as to the best way forward. If this is=
=20
> jejune, so be it.
>=20
> Thanks for your time.
> MOMODOU
>=20
> On Mon, 16 Jun 1997, Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
>=20
> > Mr. Njie,
> > Unless we reconnect with the initial themes, I am afraid this
discussion
> > may become unfocused, narrow, and jejune. Someone (Ancha, Malanding ?=
)
> had
> > previously suggested a starting point for Africa given our political
and
> > economic woes. My modest contribution to that issue - especially in
> > relation to Latir's piece on USAID's withdrawal from Gambia - was to
> > suggest a reevaluation of our own way of life for the purpose of, int=
er
> > alia, adopting a more progressive policy on Aid in general. This is a
> very
> > big issue, touching on creating economic models and enhancing the
> > democratisation process in Africa. The aspects of culture mentioned a=
re
> > mere means to an end, but in my mind, they are essential starting
> points.
> > So very concretely: If we can define culture from an anthropological
> point
> > of view, as patterns of thought and feeling that govern the behaviour
of
> a
> > people, it may prove to be very helpfull.
> > =20
> > On Monday 9 june i wrote "...I think we must transcend the specific
> ethnic
> > entities and START APPRECIATING the harmonious whole as uniquely
> > Gambian...This is clearly a suggestion. It is no exaggerated claim th=
at
> > there is a uniquely Gambian culture - which is a different matter
> > altogether. A little illustration may help: The IFANG-BONDI, of the
70s
> > played exquisite music, creating songs in at least four of the major
> > languages spoken in Gambia (Mandinka, Fulani, Wollof, Jola). Not only
the
> > songs but the rhythm and tunes were typical of these language groups.
By
> > any international standards, their performance was unique. Their musi=
c
> was
> > truly representative of the majority of the people who live in that
> > geographic entity called Gambia - almost everyone Gambian could with
> pride
> > identify herself with them. The political implications here are
> tremendous:
> > If their is a "language", a theme, a way of feeling, an experience,
that=20
> > all Gambians can claim as their own, we would have gone a long way in
> > enhancing the growth of a NATIONAL IDENTITY. It would then be much
easier
> > for the people to conceive that " the government after all belongs to
us,
> > and that the money some are stealing is really OURS, AND THAT THIS
> COUNTRY
> > CALLED GAMBIA IS TRULY OUR NATION, NOT A NATION FOR ONLY THE MANDINKA=
S,
> OR
> > THE WOLLOFS....THEREFORE WE MUST NOT PAY BRIBES, AND WE OUGHT TO MAKE
> > DEMANDS ON POLITICIANS..." This is the first step in effectively
> combatting
> > corruption. [Conciously changing people's mentality in order to enhan=
ce
> > progress.Of course, for philosophical reasons, you can always ask
"whose
> > progress"]=20
> > ----------You may think all this is just theory or rather wishful
> thinking,
> > but it is not.=20
> > One of the most beautiful things President YAHYA JAMMEH ever did was =
to
> set
> > up a commission - National Consultative Committee (Council?) - that w=
as
> to
> > solicit public opinion on the duration of the TRANSITION PERIOD
following
> > the July 94 take over. In village after village the peasants, both me=
n
> and
> > women, some tearfully, explained how for the FIRST TIME IN THEIR LIVE=
S
> > REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE ASKED THEM FOR THEIR OPINION ON AN A
> > NATIONALLY IMPORTANT MATTER. FOR THE FIRST TIME THE PEASANTS FELT THA=
T
> THEY
> > MATTER, THAT THEY COULD INFLUENCE ISSUES, THAT THEY COULD INTERVENE I=
N
> > THEIR HISTORY, THAT THEY ALSO BELONG EQUALLY TO GAMBIA. Imagine how
many
> > hundreds of millions of Africans feel marginalised like our poor
farmers
> > do. Large scale corruption, ethnic strife, bloody power struggles,
waves
> of
> > coups d'etat, are fundamentally cultural problems. Our systems of
> > government and especially the method of succession enshrined in
> > Westminster-type constitutions, did not grow organically from our
> political
> > systems. They have no cultural roots in our societies. So the
governments
> > and their institutions are largely artificial. There is therefore the
> need
> > for the state to earn legitimacy, culturally - say by actively
involving
> > them in the democratic process (as the above example illustrates).
> > I too believe that education is the best way to alter people's
> mentality.
> > You could either let it take its natural cause, like former President
> > Jawara did in many intances, or you intervene directly like Museveni=
,
> > Afeworki, and to some extent, Jammeh is attempting to do. And i hope =
by
> > education, you do not mean the slow, tedious process of formal
schooling
> -
> > Savimbi (a Ph.D in political science I think), Houphet Boigny, Mobutu=
,
> > Sassou Nguesso, Dawda Jawara, Daniel Arap-Moi, and many others have a=
ll
> > been to school. Besides, I have not the slightest disposition to
impose
> > any value anywhere. But I instead recognise that it is so-called
educated
> > Africans like myself who are imposing on the majority of very
> marginalised
> > Africans, systems of education, systems of governement, legal system=
s,
> > constitutions, and their ATTENDANT banks of INSTITUTIONS that are
infact
> > not OUR OWN. And we began creating this problem from the very first d=
ay
> in
> > primary school when we started reading Mary, Mary come here. We may b=
e
> part
> > of Africa's solutions to her future but we are certainly part of her
> > problems.=20
> > THANKS FOR PATIENTLY READING.
> > Sidibeh.
> >=20
> >=20
> > =20
> > Fr=E5n: M. Njie <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
> > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > =C4mne: Re: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et a=
l..
> > Datum: den 13 juni 1997 16:03
> >=20
> > It seems to me that a kind of cultural revolution, as=20
opposed=20
>=20
> > to evolution, is being proposed here. How successful this=20
would=20
>=20
> > be in The Gambia is not clear. Obviously, certain practices =
=20
> > can more easily be changed than others. For example, we can=
=20
> > change the work ethic and, with the necessary funds, we can=
=20
> > make our education system more suited to other needs.
> >=20
> > However, those aspects referred to, not without some =20
> > exaggeration, as 'uniquely Gambian' are bound to create =20
> > problems.We do not want to be seen as cultural judges or =20
> > policemen, telling the people what they should or should not=
=20
> > do. Any critical assessment of our culutral features will =20
> > necessarily involve selection and, by implication, rejection. =20
> > Otherwise, there would be no need to do a cultural assessme=
nt
=20
> > in the first place. Maybe the rate at which it is being=20
done=20
>=20
> > is slow by some people's standards, but we have always been=
=20
> > taking stock of our culture. No culture is static. Many =20
> > cultural practices are changing or have virtually disappeared.=
=20
> > Education is the best means of ensuring that people make =20
> > informed decisions regarding their way of life, rather than =20
> > attempt to impose our values on them. At the end of the=20
day,=20
>=20
> > effective change can only come about if the people accept i=
t.
=20
> > For 'productive intervention' to work, it has to be seen as=
=20
> > such by the people for whom it is intended.
> >=20
> > The highly inapproriate manner in which the issue of fema=
le
=20
> > circumcision has been handled should teach us a lesson in h=
ow
=20
> > not to go about changing cultural practices.
> >=20
> >=20
> > On Mon, 9 Jun 1997,=20
> > Momodou S Sidibeh wrote:
> >=20
> > > Malanding, and M. Njie,
> > > Oh yes, I think we must transend the specific ethnic entities and
> start
> > > appreciating the harmonious whole as uniquely Gambian....like a
> polyphony
> > > of all those fantastic instruments, which collectively, produce suc=
h
> > > exquisite jazz music. It does not mean that any of the unique
cultural
> > > features of the different national groups should be abandoned, but
> rather
> > > each shall be assessed critically for the purpose of creating a ble=
nd
> > whose
> > > power would surpass the sum of its distinct parts. This is the obje=
ct
> of
> > my
> > > saying that we must take stock of our culture. I believe that this =
is
> > > exceedingly important. Perhaps my array of questions was somewhat
> > chaotic.
> > > I mean to say that Africa must not only know itself (as Jabou
> seemed
> > to
> > > suggest) but it must invent appropriate instruments of assessing an=
d
> > making
> > > a critique of power - for culture and what we refer to as tradition=
s
> are
> > > largely consequences of power relations in society - in order that =
we
> may
> > > define for ourselves (and for the world) the kind of world we want =
to
> > live
> > > for. This should hopefully induce our productive intervention in ou=
r
> own
> > > history. With this sort of creed we cannot simply say our thirst fo=
r
> > > education will increase the more we learn. I mean that we must here
and
> > now
> > > expose the merits and demerits of Weatern education and any area of
it
> > that
> > > falls in disfavour with our indegenous model (the above cultural
> > outlook)
> > > should be abandoned. [ Compare with say, African American islam - i=
t
is
> > not
> > > just spiritually fulfilling, it also is an effective regenerative
creed
> > > useful for self-preservation, an instrument for social and economic
> > > advancement. Compare also the invention of Kwanza].=20
> > > Sidibeh.
> > > =20
> > >=20
> > > ----------
> > > > Fr=E5n: Malanding S. Jaiteh <msjaiteh@mtu.edu>
> > > > Till: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
> > > <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
> > > > =C4mne: Re: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et a=
l..
> > > > Datum: den 6 juni 1997 16:36
> > > >=20
> > > > Momodou,
> > > > I think you have some valid points when you say:
> > > >=20
> > > >=20
> > > > ...help should do so on OUR TERMS....like the Eritreans are doing.
> > Every
> > > > African country must first take stock of its cultural identity:wh=
at
> is
> > > > going to be the effect of western models of development on our
> > cherished
> > > > ways of life? what traditional practices (of which ethnic groups)
> must
> > be
> > > > abandoned? which others should be promoted? their economic
> > consequences?
> > > > What are the cultural constrains to capitalism, how do we develop=
,
> and
> > > > sustain a lasting national identity?How do we inculcate a thirst
for
> > > > learning in largely non-literate societies, how do we encourage
> savings
> > > > amongst people who would steal huge sums of money in order to
finance
> > > > conspicous consumption (marriages and christening ceremonies for
> > > instanc....
> > > >=20
> > > > My observation is what cultural identity do African country's
really
> > > possess in the first place? I guess the point here is that these
> > country's
> > > are too young to have a cultural identity. This is not to say that
> > > individual nations that make up these countries (the wollof, Sere,
> > > Mandinkas,Manjakos, Jolas, Fullas and many others- say in the case =
of
> the
> > > Gambia ) do not have cultures. But often the problem in such a
diverse
> > > 'mixture' is one comes to be confused with what to identify ones se=
lf
> > with.
> > > =20
> > > >=20
> > > > Often when the question of identity is confronted the outcome is
> > > generally determined by the methods used in dealing with it. I do n=
ot
> > think
> > > that this problem is unique to Africa alone. Countries with diverse
> > > cultures generally tend to be more difficult to manage as value
systems
> > > tend to be different.=20
> > > >=20
> > > > to answer your question...How do we inculcate a thirst for
> > > > learning in largely non-literate societies?...=20
> > > > I think the thirst for learning more will naturally come the more
we
> > > learn. That is evident in the Gambian Society today. More people th=
an
> > ever
> > > before are sending their kids to school. That is unlike the days I
was
> > > going to school. That was the time when parents take stock on who i=
s
> > useful
> > > at the farm and who isn't. Some of us the 'useless' fine themselves
> sent
> > to
> > > school while the 'indispensables' are keep home.
> > > >=20
> > > > Malanding
> > >=20
> > ----------
> >=20
> >=20
>=20
> ----------
>=20
>=20
----------
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 13:51:35 +0100 (BST)
From: "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Cc: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: SV: SV: SV: Mobutu, Aid to Africa...Latir, Jabou, Malanding, et , al..
Message-ID: <Pine.HPP.3.91.970619131225.23638A-100000@whale.students.stir.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
The problem with Ifang Bondi, as I see it, was that they
had a philosophy which they were selling to the people. For
whatever reason the people did not accept it. Yet Ifang Bondi
did not change their position. I did not bring the Ifang
Bondi example, but I simply used it to illustrate the danger
of an inflexible approach to change. If you believe that Ifang
Bondi were not rejected by the people because of their music,
you are perfectly entitled to your opinion.
Regards,
MomodouOn Thu, 19 Jun 1997, Abdou
Gibba wrote:
> At 15:11 18/06/97 +0100, M. NJIE wrote:
>
> > If you lack patriotism and cherish things foreign, are you
> >not in the process rejecting your own? I didn't see the need
> >to elaborate as you have done, but we are basically saying
> >the same thing. Please look at the context in which the word
> >'impose' is used.
>
>
> EXCUSE ME IF I MISUNDERSTOOD THE CONTEXT IN WHICH YOU USED THE WORD "IMPOSE"
> AS FOLLOWS:
>
> "...The question here is, do you impose on the people what you
> think is good, or do the people decide what is best for them?..."
>
> IT IS FROM THIS CONTEXT THAT I WROTE:
>
> "...In my opinion, the question here is not a collective rejection of what one
> (Ifang, for this matter) "imposes" on the people. The fact of the matter is
> there seem to be a lack of patriotism within many Gambians. We cherish
> anything foreign and fail to appreciate the value of anything Gambian..."
>
> WHAT I AM TRYING TO SAY IS, IT IS NOT JUST THE type of music THAT PEOPLE
> REJECTED, BUT it's origin - THEIR OWN NEIGHBORHOOD. THIS IS WHY I ELABORATED
> WITH ALL THOSE EXAMPLES.
>
>
> Respectfully,
> ::)))Abdou Oujimai
>
>
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 23:28:42 JST +900
From: binta@iuj.ac.jp
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: SV: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <199706191422.XAA06959@mlsv.iuj.ac.jp>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII
On Thu, 19 Jun 1997 11:08:14 +0200, Momodou S Sidibeh wrote...
>Mr. Drammeh,
>the logic of what you qouted from my earlier contribution is simply that
>foreign models we are so anxiously implanting in Africa, is simply that we
>are not yet ready for them. There has not been enough "consultation" with
>ourselves! It does not mean that the systems Africa is hanging onto are any
>better, but because these new models are not of her own evolutionary
>process, there is bound to be severe difficulties before they really take
>root. If i may, I would like to summarise my positions while answering some
>important questions raised:
>
> 1. The most horrible evils( including slavery) have been perpetrated on
>Africans by Africans well before Africa's encounter with the rest of the
>world. However, the cultural violence that more than 300 years of Atlantic
>slave trading unleashed on Africa, followed by a very brutal and
>brutalising
>colonialism, that was at the same time despotic and autocratic, has few
>parallels in world history. West Africa was not just severely depopulated,
>but industries, such as metal casting, cloth and fabric making, leather
>manufacturing were destroyed. But perhaps even worse, the nature of
>Africa's conflicts were radically altered (guns - earned in exchange of
>slaves- instead of bows and arrows and spears, came to be used in the
>battleground) social structures got destroyed and
>many cultural and administrative systems became severely dislocated. For
>hundreds of years Africa was under foreign domination: conquered, defeated,
>raped, dehumanised, and humiliated. This process ended somewhat barely half
>a century ago for some African countries, and for others even much less. Is
>it therefore not to expect too much of us to become Western-style
>democracies in such a short period of political development, when
>especially, those who are now insisting on democratisation have been for
>three generations (at least) busy administering us with so much despotic
>savagery? Belgium, France, Portugal, England...
>Multi-party democracy is vital for our progress, but i think we ashould
>insist that we would take our time and use our own methods to possibly
>accelerate the process.
>Yes, that our defeat has probably been due to ourselves, our internal
>weaknesses,
>our internecine battles, and the fact that we practiced cannibalism etc.
>etc. is a point to note and concede. But that does not justify other
>people's exceptional savagery against us and the destruction of our
>civilization?
>
>2. Peoples who have been conquered and humiliated and brutalised for so
>many hundred of years develop what psychoanalysts call negative
>self-feeling, or self-negation, self-hate. You reject your identity, and
>often you pretend to be someone else you consider better. In some African
>communities this has developed to the extent that some would pay any amount
>of money to change their skin colour, Mr. Drammeh! I suspect that what some
>of us see merely as instances of rejecting our culture, or as you put it,
>"simply rejecting all that we once cherished" because we do not want our
>own, perhaps has deep-seated concrete historical and psychological roots?
>Like scorpions locked in a can, defeated and humiliated people often devour
>one another, with the result that the weakest succumb first. They become
>easy prey to divide and rule tactics. Slavery caused this in Africa, and
>most recently we all observed it in South Africa. The unspeakable violence
>black South African women suffer at the hands of their men is also a
>consequence of the brutality of Apartheid. One can also compare
>African-American communities.
>
>3. I was wrong and Mr. Njie was right about the non-uniquenes of
>Ifang-Bondi's music. I have jsut learnt that also Guinean bands such as
>Bembeya, Orchestre Bayotte, Keletigui, and Pivi and the Balladins, played
>and sang in different Guinean languages. Yet this does not invalidate my
>point. While our Ifang-Bondi was doing their best to promote a national
>cultural consciousness, the late Sekou Touré was encouraging and paying
>salaries to the musicians in these mentioned groups in order to promote the
>GROWTH OF A NATIONAL IDENTITY! A responsible leadership should take
>initiatives not only to promote her people's cultural values but infact
>defend them against more powerful cultural forces in order to reverse that
>condition of self-negation. In a recent interview over the BBC conducted by
>Tim Sebastian (Hard Talk) a European film-maker expressed that Cairo, which
>use to be the centre of the Middle East's film industry, has its potential
>virtually wiped out by Hollywood. The French are very aware of the value of
>cultural protectionism.
> I also have a child with whom we have that language problem you
>mentioned. It appears that you overlooked several important matters. We
>naturally speak Mandinka and Wollof at home, but as the child grew older,
>he began to show signs of rejection of our tongues. We figured out that we
>are competing not only with the kindergarten, and the school (were the
>language is naturally Swedish), but also with peer pressure (his friends
>and playmates), his toys (computer games and nintendo gadgets) and
>especially the television! His mionority status, we believe embarasses him,
>but we are confident that he is intelligent enough to catch up with our
>local languages if he often travels to Gambia for his summer holidays as we
>still talk to him in our own tongues. I believe other Gambians may have
>similar experiences? Our languages, our cultural values are competing with
>more powerful, more spectacular, and perhaps more exciting forces.
>
>4. For a number of times i stated that those of us educated in the West
>have a problem of thinking in any manner other than that our academic
>training instructs and influences. Obviously Mr. Drammeh, I never meant
>that this education has caused our maiming and killing one another. I
>recognise infact that without western education we probably would still
>remain colonised. My suggestions and positions are my effort to apply
>ideological consequences of what in critical theory is called
>anti-structuralism. It was developed by French intellectuals in the 50s and
>60s (Michel Foucault, Jaques Derrida, Roland(?) Barthes, and others - I
>think Lacan too).
>It grew as a rejection of the highly-planned, rigid, and bureaucratised
>technocratic state. There must be other means to bring about progress
>without implementing these very "Americanised" and structured types of
>social systems, they reasoned.
>So infact, I am being very pro western-education, but even more
>pan-African. All I have been trying to put across is that we need not adopt
>these western methods of nation-building at their face value. We have to be
>critical towards them just as we should be critical towards our own
>condition. I also maintain that we have difficulty in altering our thought
>patterns as these have been largely structured by our education.
> I do not have answers to our problems, and i have no better alternative
>to our so-called elections. But I recognise that it is flawed, especially
>if one considers the manner in which it was brought to us - through
>violence, and domination. While we can fight to remedy these flaws through
>campaigns such as PDOIS waged for many years, we can also be busy in
>innovating new ways of bringing the people in the state's administrative
>orbit. I must insist to Mr. Njie that most Africans lived in stateless
>societies and that these institutions we inherited from colonial masters
>are grossly artificial. We must find new ways of making them take root -
>those that we need. If I gave the impression that I questioned mr. Njie's
>education, that was definitely not my intention, and should reproach myself
>for that.
> My position sounds precarious, I know, because it gives the impression
>that even though I have also read a lot of Mary,Mary come here, that I
>alone have liberated myself from this mode of thinking that I am claiming
>is a problem for Africa. All I know is that I am not alone, and even if i
>thought so, I owe no one any apology.
> This very very long story, will be all from me on this subject.
>My sincerest respects to all of you. And thank you for changing the
>subject!
>Sidibeh.
>>
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 15:53:55 +0100 (BST)
From: "M. Njie" <mn015@students.stir.ac.uk>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Cc: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: Re: Political Consciousness and Education.
Message-ID: <Pine.HPP.3.91.970619145831.23638B-100000@whale.students.stir.ac.uk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
If Mr Sidibeh's contribution did not imply that I do not
see the difference in the manner of voting I would not reply.
Let me just say that I do. I know most of the problems that
our democracy is facing. Not only that; I know many of the
problems faced by other democracies and how they tried to make
them work in their circumstances.
For obvious reasons, the electorate in the U.S, Sweden,
Germany, and the U.K. for example, cannot be compared with
that of The Gambia. We should assume that everyone on list
knows this. I am saying the type of democracy (or democracies)
practised in the west has something to offer to Africa. What
Africa is encountering now, as far as modern democracy is
concerned, are mainly, to my mind, teething problems. With a bit
more political consciousness-raising, things will improve.
If we look at the Gambian situation, most of the opposition
candidates during the Jawara era were not elected by the
socalled educated class. Jawara tried all he could to win
Bakau but failed. And it can be argued that if Dibba had not
been imprisoned it would have been the same story in Badibbu.
It should also be noted that resistance to certain policies
implemented by that government was also intiated by people
outside the capital. The level of political consciousness in
The Gambia now is far higher than it used to be, not least
because of the political consciousness-raising activities of
'Voice of the Future', MOJA, 'Foroyaa' and some other national
newspapers. Democracy is now part of our political culture.
What we have to do, just as for example, Italy, Canada,
the U.S., Sweden and Japan (all of them democratic countries!)
have done, is to make it work for US. I believe that
elections by secret ballot are a fundamental part of democracy
and should be maintained. If politicians have equal access to
the media, in addition to visiting their constituencies, they
can put their message across to the people in their own
languages. I do not see any problem here.
I entirely agree that corruption hurts Africa more than it
does the west. I was just making the point that westerners
are not any less corrupt. Many African Heads of State deposit
their loot in the west. Africa has been so impoverished that
we need every butut for our development. In the U.K. one
hundred billion pounds sterling goes into benefit payments alone
annually. So I know the difference in our circumstances.
Mr Sidibeh's analysis of the reaction of the masses when
Kukoi took power and Jawara's return is interesting. I just
want to point out that masses have behaved in this way from
time immemorial. Just read 'Julius Caesar' and 'Coriolanus' to
see how fickle they can be. Also remember that the same
people that shouted 'Hosanna' were the very ones that later
shouted 'Crucify him'. So we must be wary of judging people's
feelings only by the show of hands.
These are my only observations. Otherwise I entirely endorse
Mr Sidibeh's stance. Like I said earlier we probably agree on
a number of issues.
Thanks for reading.
MOMODOU
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 00:16:09 JST +900
From: binta@iuj.ac.jp
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: SV: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <199706191510.AAA07440@mlsv.iuj.ac.jp>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII
On Thu, 19 Jun 1997 23:56:45 JST +900, binta@mlsv.iuj.ac.jp wrote...
>Mr. Sidibeh,
>
>Thanks for writing. Foremost, may I reiterate how much I love your
>presence on Gambia-l. It has been just a few weeks since then, but I
>admit that your contributions have been educative. I wish we continue
>discussing these issues without getting bored or abandoning the cause
>simply because we disagreed.
>
>I very much understand your viewpoints but I couldn't help to differ
>when you intimated that perhaps what we see in Africa today is a
>manifestation of our disgust with the alien system imposed on us.
>
>I have a couple of questions! First, why was it not Africa going to
>colonise Europe? Perhaps we were too good to disturb others; too
>upright to think of colonising others; or simply too considerate of
>other people's feelings? Second, since according to you 'democracy'
>is alien to Africa, do you mean to justify the havoc our leaders
>wreaked on us because the democratic system we adopted was
>inappropriate? Additionally, would we justify military intervention
>for lack of an articulated governance system? You said Africans sold
>Africans into slavery and I agree. Logically then, we should not
>blame the Europeans for doing what their hosts promulgated!
>
>I want to believe that democracy is not new to Africa. The system has
>evolved into what we have today in many parts of the world, and it will
>continue to evolve. We just have to swim with the tide, albeit with
>necessary changes to suit our situation. Yet the substance of the
>system must remain if we are to make any headway. It must be
>participatory politics where the commoners are involved in their own
>governance. Self-perpetuation has been and continues to be
>characteristic of us. I hope you remember the griots saying
>fuulang o lu dang la aning faading o lu dang la' (mandinka), meaning
>the one who has surpassed his kith and kin! Individualism and a sign
>of greed at its best! What then is unique to us? (To be continued).
>
>Lamin.
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 08:44:05 -0700 (PDT)
From: "A. Loum" <tloum@u.washington.edu>
To: Gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Senegal to start gold production this year (fwd)
Message-ID: <Pine.OSF.3.96.970619084352.10214B-100000@saul1.u.washington.edu>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 18 Jun 1997 16:11:41 PDT
From: Reuters <C-reuters@clari.net>
Newsgroups: clari.world.africa.western, clari.biz.industry.metals+mining
Subject: Senegal to start gold production this year
DAKAR, Senegal (Reuter) - Senegal expects to start producing
gold before the end of the year, Prime Minister Habib Thiam said
Wednesday.
``We have gold in the east of the country. The potential is
very important. I can tell you, it's not a secret. Before the
end of the year Senegal will start gold production,'' Thiam told
a delegation of French businessmen visiting the West African
country.
A study by Australian firm Paget Mining confirmed the
potential of a deposit of proven reserves estimated at 30 tons
of gold in the east of Senegal.
Senegal has issued more than 20 gold exploration permits to
major international firms like Ashanti Goldfields of Ghana and
South Africa's Anglo-American and Randgold.
Thiam also said Senegal had huge quantities of marble, with
reserves estimated at 1.2 million tons.
-=-=-
Want to tell us what you think about the ClariNews? Please feel
free to <<email us your comments>> <comments@clari.net>.
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 21:32:01 +-300
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
To: "'GAMBIA-L@U.WASHINGTON.EDU'" <GAMBIA-L@U.WASHINGTON.EDU>
Subject: fuulang o lu dang la aning faading ......
Message-ID: <01BC7CFB.B06E85C0@dibb.qatar.net.qa>
MR.DRAMMEH!!
>"fuulang o lu dang la aning faading o lu dang la"
thanks for making me laugh!! I HAVE NOT BEEN LISTENING TO MY KORA FOR
SOMETIME NOW,BUT MAYBE I WILL TRY TO FIND TIME TOMORROW TO DO JUST THAT.
REGARDS BASSSS!!
----------
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 15:01:19 -0400 (EDT)
From: Alias431@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Subscribe
Message-ID: <970619150008_-1127600310@emout05.mail.aol.com>
List Managers:
Could you please add Alagi Denton to the list. His email address is:
Ahmadd@mindspring.com
Thanks!
Haddijatou
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 15:57:04 -0400 (EDT)
From: ASJanneh@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: S/Leone & Gambia
Message-ID: <970619155655_-294361832@emout20.mail.aol.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: multipart/mixed;
boundary="PART.BOUNDARY.0.14977.emout20.mail.aol.com.866750215"
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GENEVA, June 18 (Reuter) - More than 1,000 refugees fleeing violence in S=
ierra Leone have arrived in Gambia on board two vessels, the United Natio=
ns refugee agency said on Wednesday. =
=0D
It said some 400 arrived at the port of Banjul on board a ship this week.=
Another group of 626 Sierra Leoneans fleeing their West African country =
made the journey last week after being refused entry to Guinea, a UNHCR s=
tatement said. =
=0D
Sierra Leone erupted in renewed violence after a May 25 military coup ous=
ted the elected president Ahmad Tejan Kabbah. =
=0D
Nigerian gunboats bombarded the capital Freetown on June 2 and dissident =
soldiers and rebels attacked Nigerian soldiers who were there under a def=
ence accord. The United States, France and other nations have evacuated t=
heir nationals and foreigners fearing a widely anticipated Nigerian attac=
k which has not materialised yet. =
=0D
14:56 06-18-97
=0D
--PART.BOUNDARY.0.14977.emout20.mail.aol.com.866750215--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 22:25:27 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: GAMBIA-L@u.washington.edu
Subject: AN ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY SUMMIt
Message-ID: <199706192025.WAA20465@mail-relay.EU.net>
Mime-version: 1.0
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> THIS MESSAGE IS IN MIME FORMAT. Since your mail reader does not understand
this format, some or all of this message may not be legible.
--Next_Part_2949603927_105237_MS_Mac_IMN
Content-type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit
DATE=6/19/97
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT
NUMBER=5-36722
TITLE=AFRICA'S ECONOMIC COMMUNITY
BYLINE=MAXIM KNIAZKOV
DATELINE=WASHINGTON
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: AN ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY SUMMIT HELD EARLIER THIS
MONTH IN ZIMBABWE DISCUSSED A PLAN TO CREATE AN AFRICAN ECONOMIC
COMMUNITY. V-O-A'S MAXIM KNIAZKOV LOOKS INTO THE BENEFITS AND
PITFALLS OF THE PLAN, AS AFRICA SCRAMBLES TO ACHIEVE ECONOMIC
PROSPERITY.
TEXT: SOME ANALYSTS DISMISS IT AS A PIPE DREAM. THEY SAY THE
CONTINENT THAT IS HOME TO MORE THAN THREE-QUARTERS OF THE WORLD'S
POOREST COUNTRIES IS HARDLY A PLACE FOR EXPERIMENTS WITH FREE
TRADE.
BUT WHEN AFRICAN LEADERS GATHERED IN ZIMBABWE FOCUSED ON A PLAN
TO CREATE AN AFRICAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY BY THE YEAR 2030, THEY
POINTED TO POSITIVE ECONOMIC TRENDS ON THE CONTINENT.
SOUTH AFRICAN AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES FRANKLIN SONN SAYS
MANY AFRICAN COUNTRIES, TRYING TO GET ON THEIR FEET ECONOMICALLY,
ARE MAKING PROGRESS.
/// ACT ONE SONN ///
THE FACT IS THAT AFRICA GROWS AT FOUR-POINT-SEVEN
PERCENT OF G-D-P (GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT), SECOND ONLY
TO ASIA. THERE ARE MANY COUNTRIES THAT ARE GROWING AT
MORE THAN 10-PERCENT. SO ONCE YOU HAVE THIS KIND OF
MOVEMENT GOING, THEN THE NEED WILL OBVIOUSLY ARISE FOR
GREATER UNITY, FOR GREATER UNITY OF PURPOSE AND, ALSO,
TO WORK TOGETHER CLOSER IN THE STRUCTURE OF AN AFRICAN
ECONOMIC UNIT, THROUGH WHICH AFRICA, AS A CONTINENT,
COULD BE ADVANCED.
/// END ACT ///
BUT EXPERTS SAY AFRICA, RIFE WITH CONFLICT AND CORRUPTION, IS
STILL LARGELY A STEPCHILD OF THE THE WORLD ECONOMY -- OF MORE
THAN 300-BILLION DOLLARS IN GLOBAL FOREIGN INVESTMENTS MADE LAST
YEAR, AFRICA ATTRACTED ONLY FIVE-BILLION.
NEVERTHELESS, AMBASSADOR SONN BELIEVES THIS IS BOUND TO CHANGE
BECAUSE OF GROWING REALIZATION IN AFRICA IT CAN NO LONGER
REMAIN ON THE SIDELINES.
/// ACT TWO SONN ///
THERE ARE OBVIOUSLY TRADITIONAL PROBLEMS. THE TWO OF
THEM THAT COME TO MIND ARE THAT WE ARE AT VARIOUS
DEGREES OF DEVELOPMENT. SOME OF THE ECONOMIES ARE VERY
WELL DEVELOPED, LIKE THE SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY. IT IS
EXTREMELY WELL DEVELOPED, IT IS A FIRST-WORLD ECONOMY.
THEN YOU HAVE POOR COUNTRIES WITH VERY POOR
INFRASTRUCTURES. THEY ARE VERY MUCH THIRD-WORLD
COUNTRIES. THAT IS ONE PROBLEM. AND, OBVIOUSLY, THERE
WILL ALWAYS BE RIVALRY BETWEEN COUNTRIES. IT IS
INHERENT OF THE SITUATION OF THIS KIND AND ALSO ON A
REGIONAL BASIS.
/// END ACT ///
WHILE DISCUSSING PLANS FOR ECONOMIC INTEGRATION, AFRICAN LEADERS
UNDERSCORED THE IMPORTANCE OF SIX REGIONAL ECONOMIC BLOCS ALREADY
EXISTING ON THE CONTINENT. THEY SPOKE OF THE POSITIVE EXPERIENCE
ACCUMULATED, FOR EXAMPLE, BY THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
COMMUNITY OR THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF WEST AFRICAN STATES. THEY
URGED CLOSER INTER-REGIONAL COOPERATION AS WELL AS EFFORTS TO
REDUCE TRADE BARRIERS.
U-S FINANCIER MACEO SLOAN, WHO CHAIRS A FINANCIAL GROUP WITH
ONE-HALF-BILLION DOLLARS IN INVESTMENTS IN AFRICA, SAYS HE IS
ENCOURAGED BY THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY PLAN.
/// ACT THREE SLOAN ///
JUST AS EUROPE IS TRYING TO PUT TOGETHER AN ECONOMIC
COMMUNITY, IT MAKES SENSE FOR AFRICA TO PUT TOGETHER AN
ECONOMIC-TYPE COMMUNITY ARRANGEMENT BECAUSE THEY CAN
HELP EACH OTHER WITH THE DEVELOPMENT OF VARIOUS
COUNTRIES. THERE IS A NUMBER OF NATURAL RESOURCES THAT
COME OUT OF AFRICA THAT PEOPLE THINK OF WHEN THEY THINK
OF VARIOUS AFRICAN COUNTRIES. BUT THERE IS ALSO AN
OPPORTUNITY TO SHARE MANPOWER, AND TECHNICAL KNOWLEDGE,
AND EXPERIENCE BETWEEN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. BECAUSE THERE
IS NO NEED FOR THESE COUNTRIES TO GO THROUGH THE SAME
LEARNING CURVE. SO DIFFERENT COUNTRIES COULD SPECIALIZE
IN DIFFERENT THINGS AND COULD SHARE THEIR KNOWLEDGE AND
IT WOULD HELP THE GROWTH OF AFRICA AS A WHOLE.
/// END ACT ///
MR. SLOAN IS CONFIDENT REFORMS STEMMING FROM ATTEMPTS TO BUILD AN
AFRICAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY WILL ALLOW AFRICA'S ECONOMIC FORTUNES
TO IMPROVE. HE SAYS THE CONTINENT'S STOCK MARKETS ARE ALREADY
ATTRACTIVE.
/// ACT FOUR SLOAN ///
EGYPT LAST YEAR WAS UP 172-PERCENT, I BELIEVE. THE
STOCK MARKET IN ZIMBABWE WAS UP ALMOST 80 PERCENT. THE
SOUTH AFRICAN STOCK MARKET IN THE LAST YEAR LED THE WAY.
THERE ARE A NUMBER OF DIFFERENT MARKETS IN AFRICA THAT
WERE UP 100, 150, 200-PERCENT IN ONE-YEAR'S TIME. SO
YOU HAVE SOME TREMENDOUS OPPORTUNITIES, IF YOU KNOW WHAT
YOU ARE DOING.
/// END ACT ///
ECONOMISTS SAY AFRICA'S EFFORTS TO INTEGRATE INTO THE WORLD
ECONOMY WILL REQUIRE RECIPROCITY ON THE PART OF LEADING
INDUSTRIAL NATIONS. THEY NOTE THE UNITED STATES MADE A FIRST
STEP IN THIS DIRECTION EARLIER THIS MONTH, WHEN IT CLEARED ALMOST
18-HUNDRED PRODUCTS FROM SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA FOR DUTY-FREE ENTRY
INTO THE COUNTRY. (SIGNED)
NEB/MAX/RAE
19-Jun-97 10:12 AM EDT (1412 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
--Next_Part_2949603927_105237_MS_Mac_IMN
Content-type: text/html; charset="us-ascii"
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<HTML>
<HEAD>
<TITLE>AN ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY SUMMIt</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY BGCOLOR="#FFFFFF">
<FONT SIZE="4"><TT>DATE=6/19/97<BR>
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT<BR>
NUMBER=5-36722<BR>
TITLE=AFRICA'S ECONOMIC COMMUNITY<BR>
BYLINE=MAXIM KNIAZKOV<BR>
DATELINE=WASHINGTON<BR>
CONTENT=<BR>
VOICED AT: <BR>
<BR>
INTRO: AN ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY SUMMIT HELD EARLIER THIS<BR>
MONTH IN ZIMBABWE DISCUSSED A PLAN TO CREATE AN AFRICAN ECONOMIC <BR>
COMMUNITY. V-O-A'S MAXIM KNIAZKOV LOOKS INTO THE BENEFITS AND <BR>
PITFALLS OF THE PLAN, AS AFRICA SCRAMBLES TO ACHIEVE ECONOMIC <BR>
PROSPERITY. <BR>
<BR>
TEXT: SOME ANALYSTS DISMISS IT AS A PIPE DREAM. THEY SAY THE <BR>
CONTINENT THAT IS HOME TO MORE THAN THREE-QUARTERS OF THE WORLD'S<BR>
POOREST COUNTRIES IS HARDLY A PLACE FOR EXPERIMENTS WITH FREE <BR>
TRADE.<BR>
<BR>
BUT WHEN AFRICAN LEADERS GATHERED IN ZIMBABWE FOCUSED ON A PLAN <BR>
TO CREATE AN AFRICAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY BY THE YEAR 2030, THEY <BR>
POINTED TO POSITIVE ECONOMIC TRENDS ON THE CONTINENT.<BR>
<BR>
SOUTH AFRICAN AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES FRANKLIN SONN SAYS <BR>
MANY AFRICAN COUNTRIES, TRYING TO GET ON THEIR FEET ECONOMICALLY,<BR>
ARE MAKING PROGRESS. <BR>
<BR>
/// ACT ONE SONN /// <BR>
<BR>
THE FACT IS THAT AFRICA GROWS AT FOUR-POINT-SEVEN <BR>
PERCENT OF G-D-P (GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT), SECOND ONLY <BR>
TO ASIA. THERE ARE MANY COUNTRIES THAT ARE GROWING AT <BR>
MORE THAN 10-PERCENT. SO ONCE YOU HAVE THIS KIND OF <BR>
MOVEMENT GOING, THEN THE NEED WILL OBVIOUSLY ARISE FOR <BR>
GREATER UNITY, FOR GREATER UNITY OF PURPOSE AND, ALSO, <BR>
TO WORK TOGETHER CLOSER IN THE STRUCTURE OF AN AFRICAN <BR>
ECONOMIC UNIT, THROUGH WHICH AFRICA, AS A CONTINENT, <BR>
COULD BE ADVANCED. <BR>
<BR>
/// END ACT /// <BR>
<BR>
BUT EXPERTS SAY AFRICA, RIFE WITH CONFLICT AND CORRUPTION, IS <BR>
STILL LARGELY A STEPCHILD OF THE THE WORLD ECONOMY -- OF MORE <BR>
THAN 300-BILLION DOLLARS IN GLOBAL FOREIGN INVESTMENTS MADE LAST <BR>
YEAR, AFRICA ATTRACTED ONLY FIVE-BILLION.<BR>
<BR>
NEVERTHELESS, AMBASSADOR SONN BELIEVES THIS IS BOUND TO CHANGE <BR>
BECAUSE OF GROWING REALIZATION IN AFRICA IT CAN NO LONGER <BR>
REMAIN ON THE SIDELINES. <BR>
<BR>
/// ACT TWO SONN /// <BR>
<BR>
THERE ARE OBVIOUSLY TRADITIONAL PROBLEMS. THE TWO OF <BR>
THEM THAT COME TO MIND ARE THAT WE ARE AT VARIOUS <BR>
DEGREES OF DEVELOPMENT. SOME OF THE ECONOMIES ARE VERY <BR>
WELL DEVELOPED, LIKE THE SOUTH AFRICAN ECONOMY. IT IS <BR>
EXTREMELY WELL DEVELOPED, IT IS A FIRST-WORLD ECONOMY. <BR>
THEN YOU HAVE POOR COUNTRIES WITH VERY POOR <BR>
INFRASTRUCTURES. THEY ARE VERY MUCH THIRD-WORLD <BR>
COUNTRIES. THAT IS ONE PROBLEM. AND, OBVIOUSLY, THERE <BR>
WILL ALWAYS BE RIVALRY BETWEEN COUNTRIES. IT IS <BR>
INHERENT OF THE SITUATION OF THIS KIND AND ALSO ON A <BR>
REGIONAL BASIS. <BR>
<BR>
/// END ACT /// <BR>
<BR>
WHILE DISCUSSING PLANS FOR ECONOMIC INTEGRATION, AFRICAN LEADERS <BR>
UNDERSCORED THE IMPORTANCE OF SIX REGIONAL ECONOMIC BLOCS ALREADY<BR>
EXISTING ON THE CONTINENT. THEY SPOKE OF THE POSITIVE EXPERIENCE<BR>
ACCUMULATED, FOR EXAMPLE, BY THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT <BR>
COMMUNITY OR THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF WEST AFRICAN STATES. THEY<BR>
URGED CLOSER INTER-REGIONAL COOPERATION AS WELL AS EFFORTS TO <BR>
REDUCE TRADE BARRIERS. <BR>
<BR>
U-S FINANCIER MACEO SLOAN, WHO CHAIRS A FINANCIAL GROUP WITH <BR>
ONE-HALF-BILLION DOLLARS IN INVESTMENTS IN AFRICA, SAYS HE IS <BR>
ENCOURAGED BY THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY PLAN. <BR>
<BR>
/// ACT THREE SLOAN /// <BR>
<BR>
JUST AS EUROPE IS TRYING TO PUT TOGETHER AN ECONOMIC <BR>
COMMUNITY, IT MAKES SENSE FOR AFRICA TO PUT TOGETHER AN <BR>
ECONOMIC-TYPE COMMUNITY ARRANGEMENT BECAUSE THEY CAN <BR>
HELP EACH OTHER WITH THE DEVELOPMENT OF VARIOUS <BR>
COUNTRIES. THERE IS A NUMBER OF NATURAL RESOURCES THAT <BR>
COME OUT OF AFRICA THAT PEOPLE THINK OF WHEN THEY THINK <BR>
OF VARIOUS AFRICAN COUNTRIES. BUT THERE IS ALSO AN <BR>
OPPORTUNITY TO SHARE MANPOWER, AND TECHNICAL KNOWLEDGE, <BR>
AND EXPERIENCE BETWEEN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. BECAUSE THERE <BR>
IS NO NEED FOR THESE COUNTRIES TO GO THROUGH THE SAME <BR>
LEARNING CURVE. SO DIFFERENT COUNTRIES COULD SPECIALIZE<BR>
IN DIFFERENT THINGS AND COULD SHARE THEIR KNOWLEDGE AND <BR>
IT WOULD HELP THE GROWTH OF AFRICA AS A WHOLE. <BR>
<BR>
/// END ACT /// <BR>
<BR>
MR. SLOAN IS CONFIDENT REFORMS STEMMING FROM ATTEMPTS TO BUILD AN<BR>
AFRICAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY WILL ALLOW AFRICA'S ECONOMIC FORTUNES <BR>
TO IMPROVE. HE SAYS THE CONTINENT'S STOCK MARKETS ARE ALREADY <BR>
ATTRACTIVE. <BR>
<BR>
/// ACT FOUR SLOAN /// <BR>
<BR>
EGYPT LAST YEAR WAS UP 172-PERCENT, I BELIEVE. THE <BR>
STOCK MARKET IN ZIMBABWE WAS UP ALMOST 80 PERCENT. THE <BR>
SOUTH AFRICAN STOCK MARKET IN THE LAST YEAR LED THE WAY.<BR>
THERE ARE A NUMBER OF DIFFERENT MARKETS IN AFRICA THAT <BR>
WERE UP 100, 150, 200-PERCENT IN ONE-YEAR'S TIME. SO <BR>
YOU HAVE SOME TREMENDOUS OPPORTUNITIES, IF YOU KNOW WHAT<BR>
YOU ARE DOING. <BR>
<BR>
/// END ACT /// <BR>
<BR>
ECONOMISTS SAY AFRICA'S EFFORTS TO INTEGRATE INTO THE WORLD <BR>
ECONOMY WILL REQUIRE RECIPROCITY ON THE PART OF LEADING <BR>
INDUSTRIAL NATIONS. THEY NOTE THE UNITED STATES MADE A FIRST <BR>
STEP IN THIS DIRECTION EARLIER THIS MONTH, WHEN IT CLEARED ALMOST<BR>
18-HUNDRED PRODUCTS FROM SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA FOR DUTY-FREE ENTRY <BR>
INTO THE COUNTRY. (SIGNED)<BR>
<BR>
NEB/MAX/RAE<BR>
<BR>
19-Jun-97 10:12 AM EDT (1412 UTC)<BR>
NNNN<BR>
<BR>
Source: Voice of America
</BODY>
</HTML>
--Next_Part_2949603927_105237_MS_Mac_IMN--
------------------------------
Date: 19 Jun 1997 20:19:04 GMT
From: momodou@inform-bbs.dk (Momodou Camara)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Fwd: DEVELOPMENT: Several Ways Lead To Poverty Reduction
Message-ID: <624025501.85767464@inform-bbs.dk>
Copyright 1997 InterPress Service, all rights reserved.
Worldwide distribution via the APC networks.
*** 15-Jun-97 ***
Title: DEVELOPMENT: Several Ways Lead To Poverty Reduction
By Ramesh Jaura
BONN, Jun 15 (IPS) - Affirmative action, pro-poor reforms and
demilitarisation are necessary steps towards accelerating
reduction of all forms of poverty, said participants in a
symposium organised by the German Foundation for International
Development (DSE) here.
They included Oscar Arias, former Costa Rican president and Nobel
Peace laureate, Hernando de Soto, president of Instituto Libertad
y Democracia and author of the 'The Other Path', Arjun Sengupta,
member of India's Planning Commission, and Gertrude Mongella,
former secretary general of the world conference on women and
development in Peking.
The two-day symposium to coincide with the global launching of
the Human Development Report (HDR) 1997 was also attended by
Princess Basma bint Talal of Jordan from the Queen Alia Fund for
Social Development and Fawzy Al-Sultan, president of the Rome-
based International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and
Specioza Kazibwe, vice president of Uganda.
In a spirited address to some 170 participants from 30 countries
around the world, Kazibwe said, people should be encouraged to
participate in steering the course of their communities,
provinces, parliaments and states.
Only the active involvement of all sections of the society, from
different age-groups and from all parts of a country would make
the people at the grassroots stakeholders in democracy.
Kazibwe said it did not make much sense to deploy democracy
consultants from developed in developing nations. ''You really
don't have to teach the poor and the illiterate how to cast their
ballot,'' she said in an address interrupted several times by loud
applause.
What was required was to enable people participate in all the
processes that lead up to the building of a democratic state with
democratic structures. And this called for affirmative action.
The resort to affirmative action might indeed pose a
constitutional and political challenge -- a challenge that Uganda
had successfully confronted.
The east African nation's second in command after Yoweri Museveni
said, the developing nations and their peoples should be given the
means and money, wherever necessary, but left to do things for
themselves.
The Ugandan vice president mocked at the manner in which one
after another multilateral organisation came up offering to assist
developing lands.
A country director takes a decision. The organisation installs
computers. The experts come armed every time with new jargons. And
somewhere in the process the multilateral bodies get bigger and
bigger, she pointed out.
That was not what she would call combating poverty and forcing
the pace of human development and making the people stakeholders
in democracy, said Kazibwe in the closing session of the two-day
symposium Friday.
The event was organised on the occasion of the global launch of
the Human Development Report (HDR) 1997 of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP).
Participants from the South and the North agreed that mainstream
poverty reduction must become part of the national economic policy
which in turn should aim at making growth pro-poor.
The chief architect of the HDR, Richard Jolly, said this
objective could be implemented by restoring full employment as a
high priority and lessening inequality and moderating its
extremes.
The aim should also be to accelerate growth when it has been
failing especially in the poor countries, towards a target of at
least 3 percent per capita per year.
Besides, special actions for special situations should be taken
to prevent economic reversal, including peace-building efforts in
war-torn countries and provide more support to sub-Saharan Africa
and the least developed countries -- to help them reduce their
debt, increase their share of aid and to enhance their entry into
global markets, especially for Africa's agricultural exports.
Jolly was backed by several participants in the symposium. They
came from Africa, Asia, Middle East, the Caribbean, Latin America,
USA, western Europe and Russia.
He noted that the dramatic fall in gross domestic product (GDP)
in the transition economies of eastern and Europe and states of
the former Soviet Union (CIS) had brought an equally dramatic rise
in income poverty -- from 14 million people in 1988 to 119 million
in 1994.
The increasing poverty has affected all social classes. ''Just as
pro-poor structural adjustment policies are needed, so are pro-
poor transition policies,'' aid the UNDP report.
The need of pro-poor reform was also stressed by Ponna Wignaraja,
president of the South Asian Perspectives Network Association
(SAPNA) in Sri Lanka. The poor were efficient and capable of
creating assets. Their empowerment should be a first step in
battling poverty.
This was the experience South Asia had made and the Grameen Bank
in Bangladesh was an eminent example, now providing credit to more
than two million people, mostly women, with a default rate of only
2-3 percent.
The role of the Grameen Bank founded by Muhammad Yunus, in
empowering poor women was also underlined by the State secretary
in the German ministry of economic cooperation and development
(BMZ), Wighard Haerdtl.
Taking a leaf from the Grameen Bank, ''we have experienced in
several projects -- for instance in India, Mali and Peru -- that
systems which also provide the poor an access to credits, have
been highly successful'', said Haerdtl.
The Peruvian economist De Soto pleaded for doing away with
''institutional apartheid'' and making productive capital out of
the assets of the poor. Between 1990 and 1993 more than 300,000
informal properties and 270,000 enterprises had been legalised and
100,000 new businesses that otherwise would not exist, had been
created at a cost of less than 10 million dollar, he pointed out.
Former Costa Rican president and Nobel laureate Oscar Arias
described in an impassioned address, demilitarisation as a
necessary step in poverty reduction.
In sub-Saharan Africa, military expenditures totalled nearly 8
billion dollar in 1995. The figure was simply appalling, given the
fact that as a region, sub-Saharan Africa has the highest
proportion of people in poverty and their numbers continue to
grow, said Arias.
He also sharply criticised the arms race in South Asia, between
India and Pakistan. India alone, he said, had spent more than 12
billion dollars on arms purchases from 1988 to 1992, more than
Saudi Arabia or Iraq in the same time period.
Pakistan had increased its defence budget sevenfold from 1978 to
1991, and defense spending accounted for nearly 40 percent of all
government spending.
''It is simply unforgivable that India and Pakistan, which rank
number 138 and 139 respectively on the human development index,
are spending exorbitant amounts on arms race while their people
are engaged in a race against time to meet their basic needs,''
argued Arias.
He noted with satisfaction that Latin America was the region of
the world that had most reduced its military spending in the last
ten years. However the continent was far from resolving the
structural causes of violence evidenced by the fact that one-
fourth of Latin Americans earn less than one dollar a day.
Arias expressed the hope that Latin American heads of state would
accept his proposal for a to-year moratorium on purchase of high-
tech weapons. He added: ''Similar to poverty reduction, arms
control requires coordinated international action.''
(END/IPS/RAJ/RJ/97)
Origin: Amsterdam/DEVELOPMENT/
----
[c] 1997, InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS)
All rights reserved
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 22:40:49 -0400 (EDT)
From: KTouray@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <970619223834_-1898245743@emout15.mail.aol.com>
Mr Drammeh your diagnosis of us as a people and specifically what ails us was
tough but quite true. I was most struck by your implied reasoning that to a
large extent our culture is geared towards greed and self adulation two of
mans darkest instincts. Such traits undoubtedly defeat any society's attempt
to do the things necessary toimprove both the lives of the people and those
cultural values that characterises their greatness.
I'd suggest to you that the decaying of that part of our culture we cherish
such as our music , folklore and traditions have a direct bearing to the fact
that our economic well being took a serious nose dive . This is not to
suggest that we were a materially wealthy people but the limited resources
were able to grease the cultural wheel. As an example while I was growing up
in Georgetown in the early70's times were good in that we had a big gov't
presence, relatively robust coomerce that helped create a population willing
and able to satisfy there cultural appetite as diverse as that was. There
were regular engagements from Ifang Bondi, Gellewarr, police band, Butay Boy,
Karantaba, Sajo that entertained us in their ever evolving creative ways. On
the more traditional sides we had Fula fiddle players, Sewrubas, and Sabars
and halams all of whom were readily available across the river on both banks
of the Island. These traditional folk musicians were very critical especially
in important events such as weedings , naming ceremonies and circumcission
ceremonies. Every event was elaborate, rich and fulfilling.
Today a typical Georgetown weeding boils down to a gathering at the mosque ,
and if the groom can a little party in a tight stuffy room in the school
followed by an all night Attaya session.No more elaborate dressing the bride
in bright colored beads, no more white outfits and black headtie, no more
having a chorus of women singing in soft but penetrating voices into the
night as they escort the bride to the home of the groom, no more joyous
dancing of friends and relatives of the bride often dressed in Asobi as they
celebrate. It is even become difficult to get the traditional music players
because the children of the musicians have bolted traditions by looking for
other lines work to improve their lives.
As a result we are now in situation were we are losing the very thing that
distinguihes us from everybody else. We can't however reclaim it without
doing what it takes to sustain a successful society viz-a-viz work hard.
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 22:46:48 -0400 (EDT)
From: ASJanneh@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: New Member Added
Message-ID: <970619224523_-25901478@emout20.mail.aol.com>
Gambia-L:
Alagi Denton is our newest member. A formal introduction is expected from
him soon.
Salaam!
Amadou Scattred Janneh
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 23:00:32 -0400 (EDT)
From: David Gilden <dgilden@tiac.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <l03102800afcf69ce4cfe@[204.215.135.128]>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
How true and painfull this is, I have lived with Tata Ding Ding and his family
in Brikama. I first there in 1989 and was in Brikama this past winter.
What a change, for the better I don't think so, not as far as the jalis
are concerned. So it is safe to say that I know first hand of which you are
refering to....
Just my 2 cents
Dave
>Today a typical Georgetown weeding boils down to a gathering at the mosque ,
>and if the groom can a little party in a tight stuffy room in the school
>followed by an all night Attaya session.No more elaborate dressing the bride
>in bright colored beads, no more white outfits and black headtie, no more
>having a chorus of women singing in soft but penetrating voices into the
>night as they escort the bride to the home of the groom, no more joyous
>dancing of friends and relatives of the bride often dressed in Asobi as they
>celebrate. It is even become difficult to get the traditional music players
>because the children of the musicians have bolted traditions by looking for
>other lines work to improve their lives.
*Cora Connection Your West African, Manding Music Source*
http://www.drive.net/kora.htm
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 19 Jun 1997 23:31:04 -0400 (EDT)
From: Alias431@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Change of address
Message-ID: <970619233103_1925249284@emout13.mail.aol.com>
List managers:
I was having problems with email address hsecka@panther.gsu.edu, so it has
been changed to gso5hss@panther.gsu.edu
Could you please make the necessary changes for me?
Thanks!
Haddijatou
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 10:02:54 +2000
From: mmjeng@image.dk
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Fwd: Troops Loyal To Coup Attacked In S.Leone
Message-ID: <199706200620.IAA11649@www.image.dk>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT
Troops loyal to coup attacked in Sierra Leone
June 19, 1997
Web posted at: 12:39 p.m. EDT (1639 GMT)
FREETOWN, Sierra Leone (CNN) -- Soldiers loyal to Sierra Leone's
military ruler fought off an attack on Thursday in the eastern region
capital of Kenema, the governor of the region said.
Capt. Eddie Kanneh said by telephone from Kenema that truckloads of
Kamajors -- a militia loyal to toppled civilian president Ahmed Tejan
Kabbah -- attacked the town on several fronts.
"There are so many bodies of Kamajors lying around killed in the
battle (on Thursday) between government soldiers and Kamajors for
control of Kenema," he said, adding that soldiers had suffered gunshot
wounds and other injuries.
The attack was the latest in a series of clashes between the Kamajors
and the army in the region.
Junior army officers led by Maj. Johnny Paul Koroma seized power on
May 25, ousting Kabbah, who took office in March 1996 after
multi-party elections that ended four years of army rule.
Kabbah had used the Kamajors as a civil militia to help the army push
back rebels who took up arms in 1991.
The coup leaders accuse Kabbah of dividing the country along tribal
lines and blocking peace with the rebels, who rallied to the military
coup and have flooded into the capital Freetown.
Koroma, who was sworn in as head of state on Tuesday, pledged to
restore peace and eventually democracy.
Greetings
Matarr M. Jeng.
Reuters contributed to this report.
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 07:58:05 +-300
From: BASSIROU DODOU DRAMMEH <kolls567@qatar.net.qa>
To: "'gambia-l@u.washington.edu'" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: RE: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <01BC7D85.6F68E900@diie.qatar.net.qa>
DOC!
IT WAS SHORT BUT JUST AS SWEET ALL THE SAME.SO,KEEP UP THE GOOD WORK DOWN THERE!
REGARDS BASSS!!
----------
From: KTouray@aol.com[SMTP:KTouray@aol.com]
Sent: 14/OYN/1418 01:40 O
To: GAMBIA-L: The Gambia and Related Issues Mailing List
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Mr Drammeh your diagnosis of us as a people and specifically what ails us was
tough but quite true. I was most struck by your implied reasoning that to a
large extent our culture is geared towards greed and self adulation two of
mans darkest instincts. Such traits undoubtedly defeat any society's attempt
to do the things necessary toimprove both the lives of the people and those
cultural values that characterises their greatness.
I'd suggest to you that the decaying of that part of our culture we cherish
such as our music , folklore and traditions have a direct bearing to the fact
that our economic well being took a serious nose dive . This is not to
suggest that we were a materially wealthy people but the limited resources
were able to grease the cultural wheel. As an example while I was growing up
in Georgetown in the early70's times were good in that we had a big gov't
presence, relatively robust coomerce that helped create a population willing
and able to satisfy there cultural appetite as diverse as that was. There
were regular engagements from Ifang Bondi, Gellewarr, police band, Butay Boy,
Karantaba, Sajo that entertained us in their ever evolving creative ways. On
the more traditional sides we had Fula fiddle players, Sewrubas, and Sabars
and halams all of whom were readily available across the river on both banks
of the Island. These traditional folk musicians were very critical especially
in important events such as weedings , naming ceremonies and circumcission
ceremonies. Every event was elaborate, rich and fulfilling.
Today a typical Georgetown weeding boils down to a gathering at the mosque ,
and if the groom can a little party in a tight stuffy room in the school
followed by an all night Attaya session.No more elaborate dressing the bride
in bright colored beads, no more white outfits and black headtie, no more
having a chorus of women singing in soft but penetrating voices into the
night as they escort the bride to the home of the groom, no more joyous
dancing of friends and relatives of the bride often dressed in Asobi as they
celebrate. It is even become difficult to get the traditional music players
because the children of the musicians have bolted traditions by looking for
other lines work to improve their lives.
As a result we are now in situation were we are losing the very thing that
distinguihes us from everybody else. We can't however reclaim it without
doing what it takes to sustain a successful society viz-a-viz work hard.
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 08:58:16 -0400 (EDT)
From: mjallow@st6000.sct.edu (Modou Jallow)
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <9706201258.AA31920@st6000.sct.edu>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit
Mr. Touray wrote:
>
> As a result we are now in situation were we are losing the very thing that
> distinguihes us from everybody else. We can't however reclaim it without
> doing what it takes to sustain a successful society viz-a-viz work hard.
Well said, Doc!
I think we all know what the problems are. Can we now focus on the
solutions?
-Moe
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 21:47:59 -0400 (EDT)
From: ASJanneh@aol.com
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: New Member
Message-ID: <970620214758_1992492577@emout07.mail.aol.com>
Gambia-l:
Mousa Jeng is the latest addition to our "bantaba." We look forward to an
informal introduction from him.
Amadou Scattred Janneh
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 20 Jun 1997 22:04:27 -0400
From: Latir Downes-Thomas <latir@earthlink.net>
To: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <33AB36AB.C81DB0A@earthlink.net>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
KTouray@aol.com wrote:
> I'd suggest to you that the decaying of that part of our culture we cherish
> such as our music , folklore and traditions have a direct bearing to the fact
> that our economic well being took a serious nose dive . This is not to
> suggest that we were a materially wealthy people but the limited resources
> were able to grease the cultural wheel. As an example while I was growing up
[...]
> celebrate. It is even become difficult to get the traditional music players
> because the children of the musicians have bolted traditions by looking for
> other lines work to improve their lives.
>
> As a result we are now in situation were we are losing the very thing that
> distinguihes us from everybody else. We can't however reclaim it without
> doing what it takes to sustain a successful society viz-a-viz work hard.
Modou Jallow wrote:
"Well said, Doc!
I think we all know what the problems are. Can we now focus on the
solutions?"
I agree. Before moving on to solutions though, I would also like to add
the importance of the role of the government in providing support to
national art and culture. Under the Jawara regime this role was stymied
by a number of factors, mainly social, geographic and economic.
As I see it, under the colonial structure the country was significantly
divided between the urban, mostly Wolof culture and that which was rural
and predominately Mandinka. The small size of the country coupled with
the trade oriented economy allowed, to a large extent, this divide to
shrink smaller than what may have existed in the urban - rural dichotomy
of some of our neighbours but it existed nevertheless. Adding to this
was the perceived, and perhaps actual, neglect of the rural or
Protectorate part of the country by the colonialists and "Banjul"
society.
Independence saw the first real climate for true nationalism in that for
the first time we could be united as a nation and do away with the
Colony - Protectorate divide and all that went with it. The PPP
changing their name from "Protectorate" to "Progressive", forming
alliances and subsequent mergers with the Bathurst based DCA and Muslim
Congress Party, and the defection of members from the United Party
should have all been signs for this true nationalism to emerge. I
believe Jawara, however, missed the opportunity and used this simply for
harnessing more political power and allowed those few who wished to
promote a "Mandinka supremacy", if you will, do so and thus hold on to
his original political core as well.
The little good that I believe came from this was the promotion of
Mandinka culture, but its effect saw the subordination of the rest.
Part of the reason why all inclusive groups like Ifang Bondi did not
have the room to grow was because they were an island of true
nationalism in a sea of still fractured and seperated waters. If you
take Georgetown as an example you can see where a huge opportunity with
all sorts of positive ramifications was lost to Jawara's political mess.
Geographically, Georgetown sits nears the middle of all our country's
varied cultures and groups. It's history, including the colonial, was
older and more rich then that of Banjul. It could have been easily
promoted as the country's cultural centre and a boost in the economy
could have been derived from the tourist and entertainment industries.
Instead, all efforts focused more on the greater Banjul area, a policy
that started with the earlier PPP campaign promises to those in the
rural areas that the "riches and spoils" of Banjul were there for the
taking.
In Senegal, President Senghore made a concerted effort to support
Senegalese art, culture, music, etc. From the intentionally, overly
festive designed independence celebrations onwards, he found the most
unifying factors to bring the country together culturally and build a
sense of Nationalism in a country that, like the Gambia, also had its
divides. This country now boasts internationally acclaimed cultural
events and a society without much of the tribalism that plagues so many
other nations. The path was set so that such varied lingual styles of
groups and artists like Toure Kunda, Baba Maal and Youssou N'Dour et Le
Super Etoile were all well received both throughout Senegal and abroad.
I remember last year, Musa Ngum explained that the reason he was forced
to develop his career in Senegal was because the support from Jawara's
government was practically non existent.
I think this is where the solutions come into play. Jammeh has taken
significant steps to bring about a necessary change. One of the most
important may have been the dissolution of the portfolio of information
from the Ministry of Tourism and the adding of "Culture". It all comes
with the understanding that Gambian art and culture have to be developed
home and away to capture and build a true sense of Nationalism. I think
where Jawara used inclusive measures for political gains, Jammeh's
motives seem genuine and heartfelt, and therein lies some hope.
Last year saw a renaissance of Gambian art and culture with the release
of a number of records and concerts from Gambian musical artists, and
the promotion of new Gambian artists in galleries. The Annual Roots
Festival, The Gambia TV, the re-invigorated National Troupe with more
emphasis on Fula, Jola and Sarahuleh music and dance, the promotion of
traditional sports like wresting and regattas, and a host of other
events are also helping this movement continue. The semi-repatriation
of Musa Ngum and a few other Gambian artists as well as the forming of
new promotional companies are also a step in the right direction.
The question now is economic. There is still, for example, no national
theatre or civic hall. Nor is there a proper recording studio. To keep
the positive momentum, the government and civil society have to find
creative ways to keep funding and adding to these important programmes.
This will, however, only help in the short term. Without significant
sustainable economic growth leading to a legitimate middle class, social
and cultural development simply will not happen.
Peace.
Lat
------------------------------
------------------------------
Date: Sat, 21 Jun 1997 23:54:08 +0900 (JST)
From: binta@iuj.ac.jp
To: Gabriel Ndow <gndow@spelman.edu>
Cc: gambia-l@u.washington.edu
Subject: Re: Political conciousness and Education
Message-ID: <199706211448.XAA00838@mlsv.iuj.ac.jp>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII
Mr. Ndow,
Thanks for such a good piece. I will respond to it tomorrow, since
it is almost midnight here.
Just a comment, though. Everyone on earth knows that Africa was
bastardised and battered. But so was most of Asia, except for the
degree of adulteration. what I couldn't agree with Mr. Sidibeh is
his analysis that the current problems of Afirca are necessarily a
rejection of the transplantation of foreign democracy.
If we as Africans continue to think that the West owes us something
which they must pay for before we put our house together, I guess we
are mistaken. The new global political and economic dispensation
necessiates that we take more responsibility for our future. And in
this vein, there is only one solution i.e., that individual Africans
must make sure that in their quest for self-enhancement, the whole
is greater than the sum of the individual parts. working together
and sharing the credit is our only way forward. Basking in the glow
that he is the richest or most educated or even most powerful in his
community will not help Africa. Sadly, this is what most of us get
indulged in. We seek these things as ends in themselves, not as
some means of bettering society and hence get immortalised! Do you see
what I mean? The african must rethink his situation.
You said some things that I indirectly referred to in my posting. If
the Smithsonian houses artifacts from Benin or some other West African
countries, tell me how many of us are aware of this. These are the
sort of things that our history books should tell us. But they are
not there! Only professors like you know the details. This latter
statement is overstated, but I use it to simply highlight a point. We
ought to better understand ourselves.
Good night!!
Lamin.
------------------------------
Date: Sat, 21 Jun 1997 21:35:49 +0100
From: Bahary <bdukuray@login.eunet.no>
To: GAMBIA-L@u.washington.edu
Subject: CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE
Message-ID: <199706211935.VAA28199@relay.eunet.no>
Mime-version: 1.0
Content-type: multipart/alternative; boundary="Next_Part_2949773749_223322_MS_Mac_IMN"
> THIS MESSAGE IS IN MIME FORMAT. Since your mail reader does not understand
this format, some or all of this message may not be legible.
--Next_Part_2949773749_223322_MS_Mac_IMN
Content-type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit
DATE=6/21/97
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-216041
TITLE=BRAZZAVILLE/SATURDAY (S-O)
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN
DATELINE=KINSHASA
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: THE WARRING SIDES IN CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE HAVE AGREED TO
EXTEND THEIR CEASEFIRE FOR AN ADDITIONAL SEVEN DAYS. V-O-A'S
JOHN PITMAN HAS DETAILS FROM KINSHASA.
TEXT: THE DEADLINE FOR THE THREE DAY CEASEFIRE AGREED TO LAST
WEEK PASSED QUIETLY AT MIDNIGHT FRIDAY. SATURDAY MORNING WAS
ALSO CALM.
AFTER MORE THAN TWO WEEKS OF VIOLENCE, MUCH OF BRAZZAVILLE
REMAINS A GHOST TOWN. A MAIN ROAD IN THE CITY CENTER -- WHICH
CAN BE SEEN CLEARLY FROM HERE, AND WHICH RESIDENTS SAY IS
NORMALLY PACKED WITH CARS -- IS EMPTY.
THE AGREEMENT TO EXTEND THE CEASEFIRE FOR AN ADDITIONAL WEEK CAME
AS THE LAST FRENCH SOLDIERS LEFT THE BRAZZAVILLE AIRPORT ON
FRIDAY. THERE HAD BEEN CONCERNS A MAJOR BATTLE FOR CONTROL OF
THE AIRFIELD WOULD ERUPT WHEN THE FRENCH PULLED OUT. BUT A JOINT
MONITORING MISSION STAFFED BY OFFICERS FROM THE GOVERNMENT ARMY
AND THE OPPOSITION "COBRA MILITIA" APPEARS TO BE KEEPING THE
PEACE.
NEGOTIATIONS FOR A LASTING CEASEFIRE CONTINUE. U-N SPECIAL ENVOY
MOHAMED SAHNOUN REMAINS IN THE REGION FOR MORE TALKS WITH
PRESIDENT PASCAL LISSOUBA AND FORMER PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU
NGUESSO. THE NEGOTIATIONS WILL NOW FOCUS ON RESOLVING THE
POLITICAL ISSUES AT THE ROOT OF THE CONFLICT, AND PLANNING FOR
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. (SIGNED)
NEB/JP/MMK
21-Jun-97 5:30 AM EDT (0930 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
--Next_Part_2949773749_223322_MS_Mac_IMN
Content-type: text/html; charset="us-ascii"
Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit
<HTML>
<HEAD>
<TITLE>CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY BGCOLOR="#FFFFFF">
<FONT SIZE="4"><TT>DATE=6/21/97<BR>
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT<BR>
NUMBER=2-216041<BR>
TITLE=BRAZZAVILLE/SATURDAY (S-O)<BR>
BYLINE=JOHN PITMAN<BR>
DATELINE=KINSHASA<BR>
CONTENT=<BR>
VOICED AT: <BR>
<BR>
INTRO: THE WARRING SIDES IN CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE HAVE AGREED TO <BR>
EXTEND THEIR CEASEFIRE FOR AN ADDITIONAL SEVEN DAYS. V-O-A'S <BR>
JOHN PITMAN HAS DETAILS FROM KINSHASA.<BR>
<BR>
TEXT: THE DEADLINE FOR THE THREE DAY CEASEFIRE AGREED TO LAST <BR>
WEEK PASSED QUIETLY AT MIDNIGHT FRIDAY. SATURDAY MORNING WAS <BR>
ALSO CALM.<BR>
<BR>
AFTER MORE THAN TWO WEEKS OF VIOLENCE, MUCH OF BRAZZAVILLE <BR>
REMAINS A GHOST TOWN. A MAIN ROAD IN THE CITY CENTER -- WHICH <BR>
CAN BE SEEN CLEARLY FROM HERE, AND WHICH RESIDENTS SAY IS <BR>
NORMALLY PACKED WITH CARS -- IS EMPTY.<BR>
<BR>
THE AGREEMENT TO EXTEND THE CEASEFIRE FOR AN ADDITIONAL WEEK CAME<BR>
AS THE LAST FRENCH SOLDIERS LEFT THE BRAZZAVILLE AIRPORT ON <BR>
FRIDAY. THERE HAD BEEN CONCERNS A MAJOR BATTLE FOR CONTROL OF <BR>
THE AIRFIELD WOULD ERUPT WHEN THE FRENCH PULLED OUT. BUT A JOINT<BR>
MONITORING MISSION STAFFED BY OFFICERS FROM THE GOVERNMENT ARMY <BR>
AND THE OPPOSITION "COBRA MILITIA" APPEARS TO BE KEEPING THE <BR>
PEACE.<BR>
<BR>
NEGOTIATIONS FOR A LASTING CEASEFIRE CONTINUE. U-N SPECIAL ENVOY<BR>
MOHAMED SAHNOUN REMAINS IN THE REGION FOR MORE TALKS WITH <BR>
PRESIDENT PASCAL LISSOUBA AND FORMER PRESIDENT DENIS SASSOU <BR>
NGUESSO. THE NEGOTIATIONS WILL NOW FOCUS ON RESOLVING THE <BR>
POLITICAL ISSUES AT THE ROOT OF THE CONFLICT, AND PLANNING FOR <BR>
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. (SIGNED)<BR>
<BR>
NEB/JP/MMK<BR>
<BR>
21-Jun-97 5:30 AM EDT (0930 UTC)<BR>
NNNN<BR>
<BR>
Source: Voice of America
</BODY>
</HTML>
--Next_Part_2949773749_223322_MS_Mac_IMN--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 21 Feb 1997 22:40:34 -0100
From: "Mr.Torstein Grotnes" <tgr@commit.gm>
To: "GAMBIA-L" <gambia-l@u.washington.edu>
Subject: The Observer e-mail services
Message-ID: <B0000000712@south.commit.gm>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
Dear Gambia-L members.
Thursday this week we had the pleasure of meeting with Mr.Theo George
and assistant at our premises in Fajara.
Together with us we had ITS representative Charles Dixon who has the daily
care of Observers publishing equipment.
The meeting was very fruitful and included agreements on upgrading their
equipment, installing a Observer e-mail account and
supporting/advice them in the use of the account.
(Mr.Theo George presently has a personal account address on:
george@commit.gm)
The Observer account will be used to gather international news and
information and to restart transmission of the Online Observer
earlier sent by their CompuServe account.
At this point we would like to ask the members of Gambia-L for some input.
To replace the news services offered by CompuServe we need to gather news
sources that is offering news by e-mail.
We have tried Reuters but it seems that they presently do not transmit
their news this way.
We would be happy to receive suggestions or hints from anyone reading
Gambia-L on where to go for subscriptions or
sources of information.
We would also like to hear from the members who are responsible for the
Online version if there is any details we
should know about or if there is any questions to our work with Observer.
Questions from us :
-Is there any problem in receiving the Online Observer as an attachment to
e-mail?
-Are there need for any changes to the previously used file format?
Sincerely,
Torstein Grotnes
Manager & Secretary
Commit Enterprises Ltd.
E-mail: tgr@commit.gm
------------------------------
End of GAMBIA-L Digest 73
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gambia-l: LOG9706D - Digest 73
